REYNOLDS TTISTORICA'C
ENEALOGY COLi-ECTlON
ALLEN COUNTY PUBLIC LIBRARY
3 1833 00729 6301
GENEALOGY
9^E.5901
1914-1916
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t
PROCEEDINGS
OF THE
Cami)nt»gt ^nttqttartan ^otittp,
27 OcTOBEE, 1913—25 May 1914
/ f /f.-^
WITH
CDmmuiutatwns
MADE TO THE SOCIETY
Michaelmas Term, 1913 and
Lent and Easter Terms 1914.
No. LXVI.
BEING THE EIGHTEENTH VOLUME.
(Twelfth Volume of the New Series.)
aDambrOjge:
DEIGHTON, BELL & CO.; BOWES & BOWES.
LONDON: G. BELL AND SONS, LTD.
1915
Price 7s. Qd. net.
CAMBRIDGE ANTIQUARIAN SOCIETY.
RECENT PUBLICATIONS.
[A Complete Catalogue can be had on application.]
Proceedings Lent and Easter Terms 1911-12. 7s. 60?. net.
Lent Term. With Communications, No. LXIT. pp. 61 — 115.
Plates V — X and other illustrations.
Forster, E. H., M.A., Excavations at Corstopitum (n. p.). James, M. E.,
Litt.D., F.B.A., Earliest Inventory of Corpus Christi College. Johns,
Eev. C. H. W., Litt.D., Debt of Europe to the Ancient East (n. p.).
Moir, J. Eeid, Palaeolithic Workshop of mid-palaeolithic age at Ipswich
(n. p.). Myers, C. S., M.D., Sc.D., Primitive Music (n. p.). Seward,
Professor A. C, F.E.S., Churches of Gothland. Walker, Eev. F. G., M.A.,
Eoman Pottery Kilns at Horningsea (to be printed later). Wyatt, A. J.,
M.A., Anglo-Saxon Eiddles (n. p.). *^ ' *
Easter Term. With Communications, No. LXIII. pp. 117 —
200. Plates XI — XIII and other illustrations.
Brindley, H. H., M.A., Fishing boats in a window of 1557 in Auppegard
church, Normandy. Duckworth, W. L. H., M.D., Sc.D., Eeport on
Human Bones from Eoman and Saxon Site in Grange Eoad, Cambridge.
Duckworth, W. L. H., M.D., Sc.D., Eeport on some Human remains from
Hyning, Westmorland. Gaselee, S., M.A. , Eelic of Samuel Pepys. Palmer,
W. M., M.D. , College Dons, County Clergy and University Coachmen.
Skeat, Professor, Litt.D., F.B.A., Place-Names of Suffolk (this paper is
printed in the Society's 8vo. Publications). Smith, Eev. F., Comparative
morphology of Scottish and Irish palaeolithic relics (n. p.). Walker,
Eev. F. G., M.A., Eoman and Saxon remains from Grange Eoad,
Cambridge. Walker, Eev. F. G.,^ M.A., Palaeolithic Flint Implements
from Cambridgeshire. Seventy- second Annual General Meeting. Index
to Vol. XVI.
Proceedings, 1912-13. Michaelmas Term. With Communica-
tions, No. LXIV. pp. 1 — 70. Plates I — IV and other illustrations.
bs. net.
Coulton, G. G., M.A. Some marks and inscriptions in Mediaeval Churches
(to be printed later). Hope, W. H. St John, Litt.D., The practical study
of Heraldry (n. p.). Landtmann, C, Ph.D., The Eeligious beliefs and
practices of the Kiwai- speaking Papuans (n. p.). Ogilvie, F. F., Eecent
discoveries at the Great Pyramids (n. p.). Palmer, W. M., M.D., The
Eeformation of the Cambridge Corporation, July 1662 (to be printed later).
Petrie, Prof. W. M. Flinders, D.C.L., F.B.A., A Cemetery of the 1st
Dynasty (n. p.). Eivers, W. H. E., M.D., F.E.S., The disappearance of
Useful Arts (n. p.). Walker, Eev. F. G., M.A., Eoman Pottery Kilns at
Horningsea, Gambs. Eeport for year 1911-12.
Proceedings, 1912-13. Lent and Easter Terms. With Com-
munications, No. LXY. pp. 71 — 156. Plate V and other illustra-
tions. Price 5s. net.
Abrahams, I., M.A., The Decalogue in Art (n. p.). Bansall, W. H., M.A.
(M.B. Edin.), Ely Cathedral (n. p.). Barnes, Very Eev. Monsignor, M.A.,
The Knights of Malta (n. p.). Benton, Eev. G. Montagu, B.A., A Damask
Linen Cloth woven with Sacred Designs and dated 1631. Brindley, H. H.,
M.A., Mediaeval and Sixteenth Century Ships in English Churches.
Bushe-Fox, J. B., Excavations on the Site of the Eoman City at Wroxeter
in 1912 (n. p.). Duckworth, W. L. H., M.D., Sc.D., Gibraltar in Historic
and Prehistoric Times (n. p.). Fletcher, W. M., M.D., Sc.D., More Old
Playing Cards found in Cambridge (to be printed later). Forster, E. H.,
M.A., Excavations at Corstopitum during 1912 (n. p.). Eidgeway, Prof. W.
Sc.D., F.B.A., The Image that fell down from Jupiter (n. p.). Valentine-
Bichards, Eev. A. V., M.A., The History of the Foundress' Cup of Christ's
College (n. p.).
n. p, means that the Communication has not been printed in full.
1782020
CAMBRIDGE ANTIQUARIAN SOCIETY
PROCEEDINGS AND COMMUNICATIONS
Vn
PROCEEDINGS
OF THE
CaiubritJse ^nttquartan ^octetp,
WITH
COMMUNICATIONS
MADE TO THE SOCIETY.
Vol. XVIII.
NEW SERIES.
Vol. XII.
1913—1914.
CAMBRIDGE :
PKINTED FOR THE CAMBIUOGE ANTIQUAHIAN SOCIKTY.
SOLD BY DEIGHTON, BELL & CO., LTD. ; and BOWES &
LONDON, G. BELL AND SONS, LTD.
1915.
PBINTED BY JOHN CLAY, M.A.
AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS.
CONTENTS
PAGE
Report of the Council, 1912-13 1
Summary of Accounts for the year 1912 6
Ordinary Meetings with Communications: —
Flints. Prof. T. McKenny Hughes, M.A., F.KS., F.S. A. ... 9
The Incoming of the Dynastic Egyptians. Prof. W. M. Flinders Peteie,
F.R.S., F.S.A., F.B.A. (n. p.) 9
Social Customs of the Chaco Indians of South America. Eafael
Kaksten, Ph.D. Helsingfors (n. p.) 9
Les Neuf Preux, or the Nine Worthies, as illustrated in Mediaeval Books
and Pictures. I. Abrahams, M.A. (n. p.) 10
The Stone of Mediaeval Building. Prof. E. S. Prior, M.A., F.S. A.,
A.R.A. (n. p.) 10
The Sculpture of the Gothic Renaissance in Italy. Arthur Gardner,
M.A., F.S.A. (n. p.) ■ . . 10
Wrought Iron Gates of the 17th and 18th Centuries in Cambridge and
elsewhere. A. E. Lee, M.A. (n. p.) 10
Le Roi Soleil : la Vie a la Cour de Louis XIV. Georges Roth, Agrege
de rUniversite de Paris (n. p.) 11
Ancient Scratch Dials on English Churches. The Rev. Dom Ethelbert
Horne, O.S.B. (n. p.) . 11
Ships in the Cambridge " Life of the Confessor." H. H. Brindley, M.A. 11
Certain Carvings in Saffron Walden Church. The Rev. G. Montagu
Benton, B.A. (see footnote) . . 11
The Discovery and Excavation of the Temple of Mentu-Hotep at Dor-el-
Bahri. H. R. Hall, M.A., F.S.A. (n. p.) 12
n. p. means that the Communication has not been printed in full.
vi
CONTENTS
PAGE
Excavations of the Ivonian City at Wroxeter in 1918. J. B. BusEiE-Fox,
M.A. (n. p.) . 12
Canibi-idge outside Barnwell Gate. The Eev. H. P. Stokes, M.A., F.S.A.
(to be printed in the 8vo Publications) 12
Officers elected for 1914—1915 13
Printed Papers : —
More Old Playing Cards found in Cambridge. W. M. Flbtcheb, M.D.,
Sc.D. . . . . 14
Flints. Prof. T. McKenny Hughes, M.A., F.E.S., F.S.A. ... 26
Ships in the Cambridge "Life of the Confessor." H. H. Bkindley, M.A. 67
n. p. means that the Communication has not been printed in full.
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
PAGE
Plate 1 16
Plate II. Mill. XI. Mill. XII 72
Plate III. Min. XVIII. Min. XIX. 73
Plate IV. Min. XXII. Min. XXIX. ....... 74
Plate V. Min. XXXL Min. LVI 75
Plate VI. Min. LXII. Jonah's Ship, glass in " Becket's Crown,"
Canterbury Cathedral, early XIII. century . . . 76
1
PROCEEDINGS
OF THE
Cambntrp antiquarian ^omt));
WITH
COMMUNICATIONS MADE TO THE SOCIETY
27 OCTOBER, 1913—25 MAY, 1914.
REPORT OF THE COUNCIL, 1912-13.
The Society has vigorously continued its antiquarian work
during the past year.
Nineteen new Members and five Associate Members have
been elected, and 33 resignations have been sent in. Three
members have been removed by death. Among these was one of
the oldest and most active, the Rev. William George Searle, M. A.,
formerly Fellow of Queens' College. Mr Searle joined the
Society on 16th February 1857, was President in 1872-3, and
again in 1905-6. He was author of several of the Society's
8vo publications, including " The History of Queens' College "
and "The Coins, Tokens, and Medals of the Town, County and
University of Cambridge," and contributed numerous papers to
the Proceedings. He edited Grace-Book F. He was Honorary
Keeper of the Coins in the Fitzwilliam Museum, and promoted
Antiquarian research in many other ways.
The Society has suffered a severe loss in the resignation
of the Secretaryship by the Rev. F. G. Walker, who has left
C. A. S. Comm. Vol. Will. 1
2
CAMBRIDGE ANTIQUARIAN SOCIETY
Cambridge to undertake the office of Secretary to the Egypt
Exploration Fund, and the Council desires to put on record
its sense of the great services rendered to the Society by
his ability and energy. Mr Walker was appointed Secretary
in 1909, and thus held office for four years. Previously to this
he had acted as Assistant Secretary for two years. Under his
administration the Society attained an unprecedented degree
of activity and prosperity. In addition to his Secretarial work
he kept a diligent watch on Roman and Prehistoric remains in
the Cambridge district, and carried out many successful exca-
vations, accounts of which have appeared in our publications.
The Council has elected Mr Walker an Honorary Member of
the Society.
On June 1st, 1913, the number of Ordinary Members on
the roll of the Society was 400 ; there were also 36 Associate
Members. The number of Honorary Members was 14.
Eighteen meetings were held, at which the average attend-
ance was 83: but this average is reduced to 60 if we omit the
lecture by Prof. Flinders Petrie, which as usual attracted an
enormous audience-— on this occasion eight times the average
attendance at the rest of the meetings.
The following communications were made :
Abrahams, L, ''The Decalogue in Art." Feb. 10, 1913.
Bansall, W. H., " Ely Cathedral." Jan. 20,' 1913.
Barnes, The Very Rev. Monsignor, " The Knights of Malta."
Feb. 17, 1913.
Brindley, H. H., "Mediaeval and Tudor Ships in English
Churches." Jan. 27, 1913.
Bushe-Fox, J. B., " Excavations on the site of the Roman City
at Wroxeter in 1912." May 5, 1913
Coulton, G. G., "Some Marks and Inscriptions in Medieval
Churches." Dec. 2, 1912.
Duckworth, W. L. H., M.D., D.Sc, " Gibraltar in Historic and
Prehistoric Times." Feb. 3 1913
Fletcher, W. Morley, M.D., "More old Playing Cards found in
Cambridge." Ap. 28, 1913.
ANNUAL REPORT
8
Forster, R. H., "Excavations at Corstopitum during 1912."
Feb. 24, 1913.
Hope, W. H. St John, Litt.D., "The Practical Study of
Heraldry." Oct. 28, 1912.
Laiidtmann, G., Ph.D. (Helsingfors), The Religious Beliefs and
Practices of the Kiwai-speaking Papuans." Nov. 11, 1912.
Ogilvie, F. F., " Recent Discoveries at the Great Pyramids."
Nov. 18, 1912.
Palmer, W. M., M.D., " The Reformation of the Corporation of
Cambridge, July, 1662." Nov. 25, 1912.
Petrie, Prof. W. M.' Flinders, D.C.L., F.B.A., "A Cemetery of
the First Dynasty." Oct. 21, 1912.
Ridgeway, Prof. W., Sc.D., F.B.A., " The Image that fell down
from Jupiter." May 12, 1913.
Rivers, W. H. R., M.D., F.R.S., " The Disappearance of Useful
xA.rts." Nov. 4, 1912.
Valentine-Richards, Rev. A. V., " History of The Foundress'
Cup at Christ's College." April 28, 1913.
The Society's Collections have been arranged in the first
block of the New Museum building, so far as the space at
present available will allow. The second block of the building
is in process of construction.
The publications of the Society during the year are as
under :
Octavo Publication No. XXXVII, " A Calendar of the Feet
of Fines for Huntingdonshire," by G. 1. Turner, M.A.
Octavo Publication No. XLVI, " Suffolk Place-Names," by
the Rev. Prof. W. W. Skeat, Litt.D., F.B.A.
Proceedings and Communications, No. LXIV, Michaelmas
Term, 1912.
List of Members, June 1, 1913, with the Laws and a list of
publications of the Society.
A very pleasant Excursion was made to Linton on Thursday,
29th of May, 1913. A party of about 70 left Cambridge by
the 1.45 train, and was met at Linton by Dr W. M. Palmer,
who very kindly acted as leader. Among the places of
interest visited were the " Old " and " New " Markets, Ancient
1—2
4
CAMBRIDGE ANTIQUARIAN SOCIETY
Inns, the Mansion of the Fhick family, Linton Task House, the
Old Vicarao^e, the " Millicent Dwelling House," "Chandlers,"
the (juild-Hall and the Church. Mrs Berney Ficklin very
generously provided the party with tea in the beautiful garden
of her house, built 1700, on the site of the Priory. (A full
account of the Antiquities of Linton, written by Dr Palmer
on the occasion of this excursion, was published in the " Cam-
bridge Chronicle" for June 6th, 1913.)
Au Excursion to Litlington, attended by about 15 members
and friends, was made on Thursday, 12th of June, 1913, for
the purpose of inspecting the remains of a Roman Villa lately
uncovered by Mr McLaren at the Manor Farm. Several
portions of the villa were visible, among which may be
mentioned some well-preserved remains of the bath. Litlington
Church was also visited. Mr and Mrs McLaren very kindly
entertained the party with tea in their garden. On the way
home several of the party visited the Cave at Royston.
Mr McLaren intends to continue the excavation of the Villa
in the Spring, with assistance of members of this Society. The
Council has voted a sum of £10 towards the expenses of the
excavation.
The fragment of Barnwell Priory which belongs to the
Society was found to be in a dangerous state. The foundations
were accordingly made good and the roof renewed, and no
further repairs need be expected for many years.
The balance sheet, showing the Society's financial position
to December 31, 1912, is published at the end of this Report,
which has been unavoidably delayed, owing to the change of
Secretary.
Mr F. W. Green attended the Congress of Archaeological
Societies on June 26th. An account of the proceedings will be
circulated.
The thanks of the Society are presented to Mr Elliot
Stock's successor (Mr Robert Scott) for the gift of the Antiquary,
and to the Society of Architects for the gift of the Society's
J ournal.
ANNUAL REPORT.
NEW MEMBERS ELECTED 1912-13.
1912. Oct. 14. Rev. John Frank Buxton, M.A.
Eev. Magens de Coiircy-Ireland, M.A.
Lydstone George Norman Langmead.
Edward Schroeder Prior, M.A.
Nov. 4. James Hiirst Hayes, M.A.
Arthur Edward Clarke.
Nov. 18. Miss Dorothy Helen Humphery.
Arthur Westall Neal.
Miss Dorothea Swan.
Rev. Henry Aldersey Swann, M.A,
Rev. Sir Peile Thompson, Bart., M.A.
Dec. 2. Gunnar Landtmami, Ph.D. (Helsingfors).
George Udny Yule.
1913. .Jan. 20. Howard WilHam Cox.
Edward Crosby Quiggin, M.A.
Feb. 3. Miss Mary Ethel Seaton.
April 28. Rev. Francis Russell Rawes, M.A.
Donald Struan Robertson, M.A.
May 12. Mrs Frances Moore.
ASSOCIATE MEMBERS 1912-13.
1912. Nov. 18. Mrs Augusta Margaret Swann.
Douglas Ralph Overend Priestley.
1913. Jan. 20. Miss Annie Alice Coath.
May 12. Miss Molly Moore.
Edward Lester Roope Linthorne.
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9
ORDINARY MEETINGS.
Monday, 27 October, 1913.
Mr E. H. Minns, President, in the Chair.
Professor T. McKenny Hughes, M.A., F.R.S., F.S.A., gave
a lecture, illustrated with many specimens both natural and
worked by man, ou
Flints.
Printed at page 26.
Monday, 3 November, 1913.
Mr E. H. Minns, President, in the Chair.
Professor W. M. Flinders Petrie, F.R.S., F.S.A., F.B.A.,
gave a lecture, illustrated with lantern slides, on
The Incoming of the Dynastic Egyptians.
Not printed.
Monday, 10 November, 1913.
Mr E. H. Minns, President, in the Chair.
Dr Rafael Karsten, of the University of Helsingfors,
gave a lecture, illustrated with lantern slides, on
Social Customs of the Chaco Indians of South
America.
Not printed.
10
Monday, 17 November, 1913.
Mr E. H. Minns, President, in the Chair.
I. Abrahams, M.A., read a paper, illustrated with lantern
slides, on
Les Neuf Peeux, or The Nine Worthies, as
illustrated in mediaeval books and pictures.
Not printed.
Monday, 24 November, 1913.
Mr Robert Bowes in the Chair.
Professor E. S. Prior, M.A., F.S.A., A.R.A., read a paper,
illustrated with lantern slides, on
The Stone of Mediaeval Building.
Not printed.
Monday, 26 January, 1914.
Mr E. H. Minns, President, in the Chair.
Arthur Gardner, M.A., F.S.A., read a paper, illustrated
with lantern slides, on
The Sculpture of the Gothic Renaissance in
Italy.
Not printed.
Monday, 2 February, 1914.
Mr E. H. Minns, President, in the Chair.
A. E. Lee, M.A., read a paper, illustrated with lantern
slides, on
Wrought Iron Gates of the 17th and 18th
Centuries in Cambridge a^^d elsewhere.
Not printed.
11
Monday, 9 February, 1914.
Mr E. H. Minns, President, in the Chair.
Georges Both (Agrege de I'Universite de Paris) gave a
lecture iu French, illustrated with lantern slides, on
Le Eoi Soleil : la Vie a la Cour de Louis XIV.
Not printed.
Monday, 16 February, 1914.
Professor RiDGEWAY, Sc.D., F.B.A., in the Chair.
The Rev. Dom Ethelbert Horne, O.S.B., read a paper,
illustrated with lantern slides, on
Ancient Scratch Dials on English Churches.
Not printed.
Monday, 23 February, 1914.
Mr E. H. Minns, President, in the Chair.
The following papers, illustrated with lantern slides, were
read :
By H. H. Brindley, M.A., on
Ships in the Cambridge "Life of the
Confessor."
Printed at page 67.
By the Rev. G. Montagu Benton, B.A., on
Certain Carvings in Saffron Walden Church\
1 Printed in the Transactions of the Essex Archaeological Society, Vol. xrii,
Part 4.
Monday, 4 May, 1914.
Mr E. H. Minns, President, in the Chair.
H. R. Hall, M.A., F.S.A., gave a lecture, illustrated with
lantern slides, on
The Discovery and Excavation of the Temple of
Mentu-hotep at Der-el-Bahri.
Not printed.
Monday, 11 May, 1914.
Mr E. H. Minns, President, in the Chair.
J. B. BusHE-Fox, M.A., gave a lecture, illustrated with
lantern slides, on
Excavations of the Roman City at Wroxeter
IN 1913.
Not printed.
Monday, 18 May, 1914.
Mr E. H. Minns, President, in the Chair.
Many objects of interest were exhibited and described by
several members of the Society. (Open Meeting.)
SEVENTY-FOURTH ANNUAL GENERAL MEETING.
Monday, 25 May, 1914.
Mr E. H. Minns, President, in the Chair.
The Officers of the Society were elected for the ensuing
year. (See list on next page.)
The Rev. H. P. Stokes, LL.D., F.S.A., read a paper,
illustrated with maps, plans, pictures and lantern slides, on
Cambridge outside Barnwell Gate.
To be printed in the 8vo. Publications.
18
OFFICERS ELECTED FOR 1914—1915.
PRESIDENT.
Ellis Hovell Minns, M.A., Pembroke College.
VICE-PRESIDENTS.
Harold Hulme Brindley, M.A., St John's College.
Re\^ Henry Paine Stokes, LL.D., F.S.A., Corpus Christi College.
William Ridgeway, Sc.D., F.B.A., Gonville and Caius College,
1^ Disney Professor of Archaeology.
NEW MEMBERS OF COUNCIL.
Alfred Cort Haddon, Sc.D., F.R.S.. Christ's College.
Frederick William Green, M.A., Jesus College.
Wynfrid L\urence Henry Duckworth, M.D., Sc.D., Jesus
College.
TREASURER.
Herbert Flack Bird, 30, Panton Street.
SECRETARY AND EDITOR OF PUBLICATIONS.
Frank James Allen, M.D., St John's College. 8, Halifax Road.
Excursion Secretary.
Mansfield Duval Forbes, Clare College.
w. M. fletchp:r
More old Playing Cards found in Cambridoe.
By W. M. Fletcher, M.D., ScD., Fellow of Trinity College.
(Read April 23rd, 1913.)
In a previous communication to the Society (19 Feb. 1906,
Proceedings, No. XLVii, p. 454), I described some Elizabethan'
or early l7th century playing cards found during repairs
to a staircase in the Great Court of Trinity College. More
recently the whole of the South range of the Great Court,
built from 1594 to 1597, and the Bishop's Hostel, built in 1670,'
have been repaired internally, and during the removal of the
old floors and ceilings many cards and fragments of cards were
found, of which some seem to be important enough to deserve
permanent record.
In the Bishop's Hostel ten or a dozen cards whole or
fragmentary were found in various parts of the building.
These were all 18th century or later in date and need not
be further described.
In the range of buildings, on the South side of the Great
Court, containing five staircases exclusive of the Queen's Tower,
more than thirty cards from at least nine different packs were
found in whole or part, and of these twenty at least were
certainly earlier in date than 1650. It must be presumed that
the cards and fragments of cards so rescued from the rough
operations of the workmen, after escape from the attacks of
mice and of damp, represent only a small proportion of the
whole number originally buried in the structure of the buildings,
and I find it difficult to explain by what means so many cards
should have come to their hiding places. There is no reason
to suppose that Trinity College is, or was, more permeated by
playing cards than other ancient buildings. I hope to describe
m this paper some other very interesting 16th or 17th century
cards found lately during the destruction of an old house in
MORE OLD PLAYING CARDS FOUND IN CAMBRIDGE 15
Cambridge. During the recent reconstruction of the Master's
Lodge at Christ's College two or three 16th or 17th century
cards, unluckily without court cards, were founds In the
British Museum, again, there are fifty-three cards from four
different packs", described as being " found about 1750 behind
some wainscoating in a house at Cambridge undergoing repairs."
Perhaps antiquarians in Cambridge have been more diligent
than those elsewhere, for it is the fact that at the British
Museum these Cambridge cards are the only examples in the
whole national collection, of cards used or made in England
earlier than the Restoration. These, with those to be described
now, or described in my last paper, are so far as I know the
only English cards of the Elizabethan era in existence, or at
least recorded. All readers of the half dozen or so of books
which have been written on the history of playing cards must
have been struck by the absence of information about early
forms of English cards. Anyone curious to know what the
cards were like that Shakespeare might have played with, or
the court of James I used in the Trinity Lodge, will refer to
these works in vain.
I am inclined to think that the discovery of playing cards
is to be expected on the demolition of any ancient house. That
the discovery is as a matter of fact relatively so rare, must be
due to the almost incredible apathy of the house-breaker in
the presence of discovered trifles. The difficulty of persuading,
or successfully bribing, a labourer to preserve unusual objects
found amongst his rubbish is very astonishing upon a first
experience of it, but its reality will be almost painfully familiar
to members of this Society, and I need not stay to illustrate it.
1. Cards from the Great Court of Trinity College.
In my previous communication I described some cards found
in the other. North, side of the Great Court, derived from two
packs. I showed that both were of Norman (Rouen) design.
1 Sayle, "Cambridge Fragments," The Library, Oct. 1911, p. 17.
Willshire's Catalogue, pp. 116—117, F. 50— F. 53 inclusive.
3 e.g. those (in English) by Singer (1816), Chatto (1848), Taylor (1805),
"Cavendish" (1879), van Keusselaer (1893) and others.
16
W. M. FLETCHER
The cards of the first pack represented were closely similar
to cards known to have been made by Pierre Marechal, who
worked at Rouen in 1567. Those of the second pack bore the
name " Nicolas Beniere," a name famous as that of a family, or
a succession, of cartiers working at Rouen for a century at least,
from 1550 to 1650. And I pointed out at the same time that
our English pack of cards, which has been maintained by a
very conservative tradition almost unchanged in design from
the 16th century to the present day, is directly derived, not
from the cards of other French centres of cardmaking, but from
those of Rouen. The cards more recently found and now to be
described give added support to this view.
(1) Two cards. 85 x 46 mm. Each 4-fold, both in
excellent condition. Seven of Spades, King of Diamonds.
The King is cut close at the top edge and so measures
82 X 46 mm. It is very probably, but not certainly, from
the same pack as the seven.
These were found on staircase L, M, or N, in 1908.
(Plate I, Figure 2.)
This King of Diamonds is almost identical in design with
that of the sheet of cards by Pierre Marechal in the Depart-
mental Archives at Rouen, and it belonged no doubt to a pack
closely similar to that from which came the King of Spades
found on the other side of the court and previously described.
Marechal worked at Rouen in 1567. A comparison of this
King with the King of Diamonds in the modern pack will
shew a detailed resemblance, which gains of course in com-
pleteness if a single headed pack of a generation ago is available.
(2) Three cards. 88 x 54 mm. 4-fold. King of
Diamonds, fairly well preserved, bearing the initials I. P.
on a plain shield at the left border near the bottom.
Queen of Spades and four of Diamonds both fragmentary.
Found on staircase Q in 1910.
These cards in every recognisable point are of the Rouen
type. The King is closely similar in design to the smaller
King of Diamonds just mentioned. The initials I. P. are
doubtless those of an unknown Rouen cartier, or of an English
MORE OLD PLAYING CARDS FOUND IN CAMBRIDGE 17
I imitator. Knaves of this pack, or at least the Knave of Clubs,
' would almost certainly have borne the full name of their maker,
and it is very unlucky that none were found.
(3) Two plain cards of different packs found also on
Q staircase, Ten of Spades 86 x 45 mm., and Four of
Diamonds 90 x 57 mm. Doubtless I7th century.
We now come to the most important find of all.
(4) Two cards. 87x54 mm. 4-fold. Plain backs.
Knave of Clubs in very good condition, the maker's name
" Stiven Bricket," on a scroll behind the knave's legs.
King of Hearts, injured and discoloured. From staircase
L, M, or N (1908).' (Plate I, Figure 1.;
These cards are of the purest Rouen type. The Knave of
Clubs, similar in every important feature to the Knave by
Nicolas Beniere figured in my previous paper, is almost identical
with that of the Pierre Marechal pack at Rouen. The Knave
of Clubs according to French custom (enforced by an ordinance
of Louis XIII in 1613) bore the full name and device of the
maker. In this Knave we have the full name, but as in that
of Pierre Marechal there is no device, unless the four-petalled
rosette between the legs (given also by Marechal) be one. The
chief interest of this card is in the obviously English name of
"Stiven Bricket": so far as I am aware this is the first name
of an Elizabethan or Jacobean cardmaker made known to us,
and perhaps this is the only existing and recorded card of that
period which has an English origin. I have spoken previously
of the importation of Rouen cards to England in the 16th
century, and of the migration of Rouen cartiers to England
for the avoidance of the Normandy export tax. The astonish-
ingly close similarity in detail of this Knave of Clubs to that
of the Beniere or Marechal cards, shews that Stephen Brickett,
as I suppose he would now be called, either closely copied the
imported Rouen cards or even acquired a set of Rouen blocks
and added his own name. In any case we have here another
and decisive demonstration of the Norman origin of English
playing cards.
C. A. S. Comm. Vol. XVIII. 2
18
W. M. FLETCHER
(5) Seven cards. 86—87 mm. x 47—48 mm. S-fold.
Plain backs. All in good condition, but browned. Of
Hearts, Ace, eight and four ; of Clubs, Queen, six and four ;
of Diamonds, Knave only. Found on staircase Q, in 1910.
(Plate I, Figures 3 and 4.)
These cards are quite unlike those of the type exported
from Rouen to England, and I have not yet found any record
of similar cards elsewhere. In point of design they might be
assigned to the earlier part of the 16th century, though the
design may well have lasted for a century or more. These
particular cards are presumably not earlier than 1597, the date
of the building in which they were buried. I am inclined to
think that they represent cards of the Low Countries, brought
perhaps to Cambridge by some student from abroad. They
may have been made in France and possibly even in Rouen
itself, which had a very large export trade and exported, as we
shall see, special types of cards to different countries according
to the needs or supposed tastes of their customers. Of all cards
found hitherto in Trinity College, these are the only ones, with-
out exception, w^hich do not belong to the common type exported
from Rouen to England. Whether they came from abroad or
whether again they represent a spontaneous English creation,
their type is extinct and has no counterpart in the national
English pack.
Lastly may be mentioned some cards of later date.
(6) Eight cards. 95 x 64 mm. 4-fold. Plain backs.
No court cards. On the back of the two of hearts is
written " For Mr William Orde, at Trinity College, Cam-
bridge." Its four corners are cut off and it appears to
have been used as a label. Found in room 3, staircase M.
From their size and character these appear to be 18th or
early 19th century cards. Their actual approximate date is
given by Mr Orde's name — for William Orde was admitted
a Pensioner in 1758. It is odd that there should be found
another example in the Great Court of a playing card being
used as a label or to bear a message. In my earlier papers
I described two instances of this, and the facts point to a former
MORE OLD PLAYING CARDS FOUND IN CAMBRIDGE 19
customary use of cards in this way. Mr Orde's friends can
hardl}' have allowed him to mark the back of one card merely
to shew his ownership of the pack, yet if the inscribed card only
came to him as a label, it is unexplained why seven other cards
apparently of the same pack were found with it^
In addition to these a few more modern cards, most being .
later than 1875, were found in various places.
II. Cards from an old house in Cambridge.
By the kindness of the Rev. F. G. Walker, your Secretary,
I am allowed to describe here some early cards found recently
upon the demolition of an old house in Cambridge. A workman
collected a few of these from among the rubbish as toys for his
children ; of these some or all were given to another workman
for a pot of beer, and from him they came ultimately to Mr
Walker.
(5) Fifteen cards. 85 x 46 mm. 4-fold. Backs plain.
Several are much damaged. Of Hearts, the King, Queen,
Knave, ten, four and three ; of Diamonds, the Knave and
four; of Clubs, the Queen, nine and four; of Spades, the
Queen, ten, nine and ace.
These cards do not call for detailed description, for they
belong to a type already represented both in Paris and in
London. They are identical in design with the cards preserved
in the Bibliotheque Nationale bearing the name of the card-
^ Lady Dorothy Neville in Under Five Reigns, London, Methuen & Co.,
1910, pp. 320 — 321, says that "visiting cards, it is probably not generally known,
originated from ordinary playing cards, which were used as such as late as the
close of the eighteenth century. A proof of this is that when, some time ago,
certain repairs were being made at a house in Dean St, Soho, a few playing
cards with names written on the back were found behind a marble chimney
piece. One of the cards in question was inscribed ' Isaac Newton ' and the
house had been the residence of his father-iu-law, Hogarth, in one of whose
pictures of Marriage a la mode — Plate IV — several ' playing card ' visiting cards
may be seen lying on the floor on the right-hand side of the picture, one of them
inscribed, ' Count Basset begs to no how Lady Squander slept last night.'
As time went on specially devised visiting cards, with somewhat ornate calli-
graphy took the place of playing cards, and these in time developed into the
small and simple pieces of pasteboard in use today."
2—2
20
W. FLETCHER
maker Charles Dubois, and they are identical also with the
cards seen in two cardmaker's sheets, not cut up into separate
cards, which are in the British Museum. These two sheets
bear the names of the makers, Robert Besniere and Nicholas
Besniere respectively (Willshire's Catalogue, p. 114, F. 46).
Unluckily, of the cards found in Cambridge, the Knaves of
Clubs and Spades are lost and therefore no maker's name is
preserved. The Besnieres, like Charles Dubois, were Rouen
cardmakers, though these cards are entirely dissimilar in all
important points of tiesign from what we have already recog-
nised as the type of Rouen cards exported to England, adopted
here nationally, and maintained for three centuries in the
design of the English pack.
The court cards bear the names of various historical and
legendary personages. This circumstance again sharply dis-
tinguishes them from our Rouen-English cards, which have
never borne names. Since these names are different from
those more generally found in French cards they may be given
here :
Kings Queens Knaves
Hearts Jullius Cezar Heleiie Siprien Roman
Spades David Bersabee (maker's name)
Diamonds Charles Lucresse Capitaine ]\Ietely
Clubs Hector Pentasilee Capitaine Vallante
The Dubois cards at Paris are described by Lacroix^ as
French cards of the beginning of the 16th century, and there
is no doubt that their design is characteristic of that time. It
does not however follow, in the absence of other evidence, that
they are not to be placed many years later, for the long per-
sistence of types is a constant phenomenon in the history of
cardmaking. According again to Lacroix^ " vers I'epoque de
la bataille de Pavis, et de la captivite du roi, I'influence des
modes espagnoles et italiennes gagne le jeu de cartes. On
remarque que le valet de pique, qui offre le nom seul du cartier
1 Paul Lacroix, Moews, Usages et Costumes au Moyen Age et a Vepoque de la
Reyiaissance, Paris 1874, 4th edit. p. 245. (The King of Spades and Queen of
Hearts are figured at p. 255.)
2 ibid. Les Arts au Moyen Age et a Vepoque de la Renaissance. Paris, 2nd
edit. pp. 245, 246. (The Knave of Spades is figured at p. 243.)
yiORE OLD PLAYING CARDS FOUND IN CAMBRIDGE 21
ressemble a Charles-Quint" [reference to figure shewing the
Knave of Spades by Charles Dubois]. This fancied resemblance
seen in a particular card of a particular pack is as untrustworthy
as this author's sweeping and quite unsupported statement
that Spanish and Italian fashions affected French card makers
generally in the 16th century. Both may be dismissed as
fantasies. In point of fact Charles Dubois was a Rouen card-
maker of about 1659, and probably the cards actually figured
by Lacroix were made nearly at that time, though with equal
probability they represent a definite Rouen tradition of un-
certain age, adopted by more than .one Rouen earlier. These
Dubois cards at Paris are reproduced in a coloured plate Vol. I,
p. 102 in Mons. D'Allemagne's sumptuous work\
Indeed, as we have seen, the similar cards in sheets at the
British Museum bear the Rouen maker's name Besniere. Of
the two sheets there, one is printed from the block in black
outline only, ready for colouring ; the other is printed, coloured,
and ready for cutting up into separate cards. The plain sheet
is by Robert Besniere, as the scroll on the Knave of Spades
shews, and the initials R. B. within a small shield on the
Knave of Clubs. This shield is shewn in the Dubois cards,
but according to D'Allemagne's illustrations it bears no initials.
The coloured sheet similarly bears the name Nicolas Besniere
and the initials N. B. Both are assigned by Willshire to the
period 1525-50 during which one of the cartiers called Robert
Besniere w^orked at Rouen. From the exact similarity of the
two sheets, and their close association, they may be supposed
to be contemporary, and it would seem to be more reasonable
to assign them to a period 1640-1650 when we know that both
a Robert and a Nicolas Besniere were working simultaneously
at Rouen. But so many cartiers called Besniere or Beniere
worked at Rouen between 1550 and 1650 that a final decision
is difficult.
In assigning so early a date as 1525-50 to these cards,
Dr Willshire simply follows the lead, and almost the language,
of Lacroix. He says confidently that " the influence of Spanish
and Italian types may be seen here in the designs " as though
^ Henry-Ren6- D'Allemagne, Lea Cartes a Joiier. 2 vols. Paris 190G.
22
W. M. FLETCHER
such influence had existed and was well known, and he attributes
the cards "to the second quarter of the sixteenth century, or to
about the time of the battle of Pavia, fought in the early part
of 1525, near that town, between the French and the Imperialists.
The former were defeated, and their King, Francois Premier,
after fighting with great valour, was obliged at last to surrender
himself a prisoner." Dr Willshire does not venture to explain
why Rouen cardmakers should choose to commemorate for
many years afterwards the French defeat at Pavia, by adopting
a southern or an Imperial design, and by placing (as he does
not notice) the double headed Imperial eagle on the shield
borne by the King of Hearts. The King of Diamonds indeed
shews a shield in which the Imperial arms actually impale
those of France Modern. We have seen that the Paris Dubois
cards are most probably to be placed near 1650, and this is an
additional reason for assigning the British Museum Besniere
cards to 1650 as we have done already on other grounds. At
all events they are far enough removed from the Battle of
Pavia.
D'Allemagne in illustrating and describing the Dubois cards
at Paris makes no reference to Willshire's view, or to the
British Museum sheets, of whose existence he was probably
unaware. He suggests that these cards were a special type
made by Rouen cardmakers — and this agrees with the fact that
the Besnieres also made them — and that they were probably
destined for the Germanic countries, and so accounts for the
special nature of the design and the presence of the Imperial
eagle. "Au surplus," he says, "les valets eux-memes ont une
allure tant soit peu germanique qui vient a I'appui de notre
supposition^" Certainly the "allure" of all these figures cut
by French wood-engravers, if we are to depend upon it at all,
we may just as easily suppose with DAllemagne to be Germanic,
as with Lacroix to be Spanish or Italian. For my own part
I am not able to see that they are other than French.
D'AUemagne's view that this type of Rouen cards was
specially manufactured for export to Germanic countries has
much stronger support, — which he forgets to claim, — and this
1 loc. cit. p. 102.
MORE OLD PLAYING CARDS FOUND IN CAMBRIDGE 23
is to be found in the existence at Paris of a pack based in
every detail upon these Rouen cards, and known to have been
made by one Nicolas Bodet, at Brussels, in about 1750. He
reproduces these (vol. ii, p. 459) and well remarks that they
provide a striking instance of the impossibility of dating cards
when unsigned, so similar are these to the Dubois cards of at
least a century earlier. These Brussels cards bear the same
mythical and historical names on their Kings, Queens and
Knaves.
It may be right to suppose with D'Allemagne that the
Imperial eagle was added to these cards by the Rouen makers
in compliment to their customers abroad^ But indeed a.much
simpler explanation may be offered to account for the armorial
eagle here. It is borne by the King of Hearts, in these cards
named "Julius Caesar," and by the King of Diamonds, called
" Charles " for Charlemagne, and to both an Imperial symbol is
obviously appropriate. It is curious that it should not have
been noticed by D'Allemagne that the sign of the Imperial
eagle is by no means confined to this type of exported Rouen
cards. It is indeed almost uncommon not to find it in one
shape or another borne by a King in French packs made at
various centres and in different centuries. It occurs once alone,
and twice impaled by France Modern, in the cards at Paris
assigned to the end of the I5th century, figured by Merlin^ on
the Kings named Charlemagne and Julius Caesar respectively,
and it occurs on part of the dress and elsewhere in at least one
of the Kings in no less than nineteen of the packs figured by
D'Allemagne, of dates ranging from the 15th to the end of the
18th century, and representing the designs of almost all the
chief centres of French cardmaking. Among these the crowned
eagle is almost always found somewhere in the design for the
King of Hearts, who is almost always named Charles, bears an
1 Another instance, from a different branch of wood-engraving, of the
association of the Austrian and Bourbon arms, also probably for the purposes
of international trade, may be seen on the title page of Ei/)i newe kiotstlich
moetdelhoech printed by Peter Quentel at Cologne in 1530, where the double
headed eagle appears under an imperial crown side by side with the three
fleur-de-lis of France Modern under a royal crown,
^ Merlin, Origine des Cartes a jouer. Paris 1869. Plate G.
^4
W. M. FLETCHER
orb and scoptre, and represents Charlenaagne. It is seen
occasionally also associated with a King of other suits, and in
several instances may be seen in the case of a Knave.
There is abundant evidence of the enormous manufacture
of cards at Rouen for export to foreign countries from the 16th
century onwards. In 1585 letters patent reduced the duty on
exported cards from Rouen for Spain, Flanders, and England,
to 8 deniers, on those for Portugal to 6 deniers, and on those
for Switzerland to 3 deniers^ In 1701 a petition to the
Syndics of Commerce by the Rouen cartiers speaks of Rouen
as exporting more cards than all the other towns of France
together, and of the reputation of Rouen cards as well known
in Spain, Sweden, Muscovy, Switzerland, Denmark, England,
Scotland and above all in Flanders I
As we should expect, the cards made at Rouen for export
to foreign countries were adapted in design by the cardraakers
to suit the special requirements or tastes of their customers
abroad in particular foreign markets. For Spain, the Spanish
suit marks of swords, sticks, cups, and coins were added in
place of the French marks, though the designs remained
strongly Rouennais. D'Allemagne (ii, p. 116) figures such
a pack made by Jehan Vumier in 1508. To Flanders we have
seen that cards like those made by the Benieres and Dubois
were sent, and of these the type subsisted unchanged at least
long enough to appear in the cards of home manufacture at
Brussels as late as 1750. In these cards mythical and historical
names were given to the court characters, and the names are
different from those common in cards made and used in France.
The examples of these found in Cambridge and the subject of
these remarks, were brought here, it is most easily supposed,
by a student or traveller from the Low Countries, or they may
have been re-exported to King's Lynn.
For direct export to England, lastly, another special design
was made at Rouen, and this again has been illustrated by the
other cards found in Cambridge. These imported cards settled
1 Memoriaux de la Cour des Aides de Normandie 1585 (D'Allemagne, ii,
p. 118).
2 D'Allemagne, Jor. cit.
MORE OLD PLAYING CAUDS t'OUND IN CAMBRIDGE 25
for us the character of our national pack, and no indigenous
English designs, if there have been any, have at any time
seriously challenged the supremacy of the Rouen type. For
England the Rouen car tiers decided — or their customers here
decided — that mythical and historical names for the court cards
were unsuitable, and we have accordingly never had thejn. It
would be interesting to know what reasons determined this
omission, or determined any of the other features of the cards
made for England, but this question is one which is not very
likely now to be answered.
26
IMU)FESSOK HUOIIES
Flints.
By T. McKenny Hughes, M.A, F.RS., F.G.S, F.S.A.,
Woodwardiao Professor of Geology.
(Read October 27th, 1913.)
CONTENTS.
PAGE
Introduction 26
Formation of Flint 29
Fracture of Flint . . .33
Weathering of Flint .34
Flint Implements 36
Figure Forms ,36
Chipped and Flaked Flints 39
Forgeries . . .40
Recent 43
Neolithic 45
Transition from Palaeolithic to Neolithic . . . .46
Palaeolithic Caves 47
Palaeolithic River Drift 52
Eoliths .58
Flints Naturally Flaked and Chipped on the Norfolk Coast . 62
Guide to Collection of Flints in Sedgwick Museum . . 64
Introduction.
The interest of this subject arises of course from the use of
flint by men of almost every race and age for domestic purposes
and for implements of war and the chase.
What I propose to do in this communication is to give a
short sketch of the mode of formation and destruction of flint
so as to suggest some limits within which we may speculate as
to whether certain examples are the work of man or of nature.
1 do not now discuss the geological age of the deposits in which
FLINTS
27
they have been found except so far as is necessary to under-
stand the nomenclatures referred to.
So long ago as 1868 I brought the subject before the Soc.
Antiq. London by exhibiting a large collection of natural and
artificially dressed flints and reading a paper in which I ex-
plained the bearing of the collection in these words : " It has
often been urged as an objection to our receiving worked flints
as evidence of the existence of man, that even those who are
familiar with the forms which are to be referred to nature, and
with those also which, from their association, are undoubtedly
the work of art, are frequently unable to determine w^hether a
given specimen should be referred to the one or the other.
The objectors very reasonably ask if only your most skilful
archaeologists can form an opinion on the subject, and even
they are often obliged to leave it in doubt, may not special
combinations of the fortuitous circumstances which produced
the doubtful forms, give even those more highly finished
weapons about which all archaeologists are agreed ? Their
difficulty is increased by the occurrence of forms which might
be referred entirely to nature, under circumstances where we
must in all probability account for their presence by supposing
they were brought there by man ; as, for instance, in the bone
caves, w^here a large number of relics are found, similar in
every respect to those produced by natural causes, but which,
from other evidence, we believe were, if not fabricated, at any
rate introduced into their present position by man. It becomes,
therefore, a point of considerable interest to inquire what are
the forms into which flint naturally breaks up, and what the
kind of evidence from which w^e would infer that individual
specimens should be referred to human agency.
" Seeing, then, that nature might produce many forms
similar to some of those that we feel sure, from other evidence,
were fashioned by man, it is interesting to inquire how far
those more highly finished forms which, from the evidence of
design exhibited by them we now, without hesitation, refer to
human agency, were suggested by simpler forms to be referred
to fortuitous fracture. We might expect, a priori, that any
primaeval race who would require stone implements would first
28
PROFESSOR HUGHES
use such forms as they found suited to their purpose. Then
selecting those which most nearly approached these, they
would by a few rude blows, remove irregular projections, and
adapt them to their purpose. But it is highly improbable that
they would first attack a large block of stone, and chip it into
some ideal form not suggested by previous experience.
"The collection which I have made is intended chiefly to
illustrate this point."
This paper was published in abstract in the Proc. Soc.
Antiq. London, Vol. iv. p. 95, and in full in the Geological and
Natural History Repertory, No. 34, May 1, 1868, p. 126, with
illustrations of the mode of formation of the bulb of percussion
as part of a double cone^ etc. In the same year I exhibited
the collection at a Soiree of the Geological Society and then
gave it to the Museum of the Geological Survey in Jermyn
Street, where it has remained concealed ever since. But I
think it throws great light on the question which has again
assumed importance, namely the discrimination between
naturally and artificially chipped flints.
I do not publish any ilhistrative figures with this paper, for
one reason because it would require too many to enable the
reader to follow step by step the line of reasoning which I
offer, and also because I exhibit in the Sedgwick Museum the
series of specimens upon which I base my arguments, and thirdly
and principally because drawings or even photographs of such
things as eoliths can rarely be relied upon to convey a true
impression of the object represented, and altogether fail to give
any idea of the small differences in the condition of the surface,
colour, etc., upon which the experienced collector of flints chiefly
relies.
Anyone who has tried to make flint implements or has had
much to do with flints must have had it forced upon him that
some pieces do not lend themselves to the object he aims at
producing, and that nature furnishes forms in outline like those
known as implements, and also in certain circumstances chips
them accidentally in the same way as man does designedly.
1 For "cone in cone" read "cone on cone," i.e a cone truncated by another
broader cone. The expression cone in cone refers to a different structure.
FI-INTS 29
Tho^e therefore who would carefully criticise the evidence
upon which they are !u.ked to admit the existence of man, or of
what some call man's precursors, in deposits of a more remote
antiquity than has hitherto been assigned to his remains
should make themselves familiar with the natural forms and
varieties of flint, whether due to the original mode of formation
or produced by fracture or weathering or by both. And as the
weathering of flints is largely dependent upon their texture
and structure, and these are due to their mode of formation, it
will be well to consider this first. , / , d r t
Papers on the making and unmaking of flints by Prot. i.
Rupert Jones> and Prof Judd= may be consulted with advantage.
Formation of Flint.
There was once a great controversy as to whether flints were
sponges and other organisms replaced by silica as the chalk
was being deposited or were due to the replacement at some
later time of portions of the chalk which accidentally contained
sponges and other fossils. Bowerbank and Toulmm Smith in
the desire to support their respective views have left us a
valuable collection of observations and illustrations. ^
If water under pressure will hold more carbomc acd' and
more rapidly carry off carbonate of lime in the form of a
bicarbonate, and water at a high temperature will carry silica
in solution, we have a simple explanation of how portions of the
- chalk can be replaced by flint; for pressure and temperature
are greater at the depths to which we know the chalk has
been depressed. This is certainly a vera causa but not the
only one. Why certain parts of the calcareous rock are re-
placed and not others depends upon local conditions, such as
the presence of organic matter, and chemical reactions which
. -On Quartz and some other terms of Silica." Froc. Geol. A.,<oc. Vol. iv.
D 349.
•2 Thp unmaking of flints." lb. Vol. x. p. 219.
3 SerLTor Seientiac Exploration of the deep sea in H.M. Surveying
Vessel PofZine 1869 by Carpenter, George Jeffreys and Wyv.Ue Thomson.
Proc. B. Soc. No. 121, 1870, p. 397.
IMIOFESSOII HUGHES
are not always apparent. A useful note on the mode of forma-
tion of Hint will be found in the paper on the genesis of flint
b}^ the Rev. A. Irving^
We learn from a more extensive examination of the rock
that the flint was not formed during the deposition of the chalk
but long afterwards, when the chalk had been consolidated and
uplifted and joints and faults had been produced in it ; for
some flint, known as tabular flint, occurs by replacement of the
chalk on either side of a joint or fault, and these tabular masses
retain the mark of the original crack.
Another proof that the chalk was jointed before the forma-
tion of the flint is furnished by the specimens (See Pew II.,
Shelf 1) in which the flint seems to have been fractured and
re-cemented. When however we examine some of these more
closely we see that the pieces do not fit one another, and we
must suppose that there are some pieces missing, for it would
be impossible to build up an ordinary tuberous flint with what
appear to have been the original pieces. But no such missing
pieces are found and the rock never shows evidence of any such
a process. What we do see however, when we find a flint of
this kind in place, is that the divisions between the apparently
separate pieces of flint coincide with joints or faults in the
chalk, and the silica which has replaced a portion of the chalk
was arrested in its progress by these divisional planes and had
spread between two joints before it could cross the joint into
the adjoining block. An illustration may sometimes be seen
in the flags under Trinity Library. In certain states of the
weather the damp discolours portions of a flag, but does not
for some time get across the joint between the flags so that the
edge of the stain is longer on one flag than on the next.
The ordinary tuberous flint occurs along the beds, sometimes
uniting to form an irregular but almost continuous layer six to
ten inches thick^. When a mass of tabular flint happens to
traverse tuberous flints the two often coalesce in such a
manner as to indicate contemporaneous formation, and some-
1 Brit. Assoc. Birmingham, 1913. Eept. Section C. Geol. Mag. Oct. 1913.
Mem. Geol. Survey, Vol. iv. p. 95.
FLINTS
31
times the growth of a tuberous flint seems to have started
again after a period of cessation of growths
There is a great deal more flint in any one of the beds in
which tuberous flints occur than could be accounted for by the
silica present in the organisms found directly connected with
it ; but, if we suppose that it is derived from other sources such
as the sponge spicules scattered through a great thickness of
chalk, dissolved out of one part and precipitated in another,
there is no great difliculty about it.
This being so, we cannot feel sure that the source of the
silica was all within the chalk, or that part of the chalk in which
it is now found, for it is on that supposition difficult to explain
why the flint is confined to the upper beds and not common
to the lower parts which were most deeply depressed. More-
over we find in the lowest Tertiary beds shells wholly replaced
by silica, which shows that silica travelled freely in solution
in the beds overlying the chalk after its upheaval, jointing
and denudation. In other and often much older formations
also we find a more or less pure flint to which the name of
chert is conventionally given.
There is considerable difference in the forms assumed by
the tuberous flints depending upon varieties of structure in the
chalk which it has replaced. About Balsham we find a large
proportion of small flints fluted and pointed and sometimes
twisted. In Kent the layer of massive irregular lumpy flint
mentioned above occurs at one definite horizon for miles^
On the coast of Norfolk a very curious formation msiy be
seen on the shore near Sheringhaml Infiltration seems to
have occurred along a series of vertical holes in such a manner
that cylindrical masses of flint are formed one above the other
for a considerable depth. These are sometimes as much as
four feet in diameter, the walls being from a few inches to a
foot in thickness. The idea that they are due to sponges (akin
to the existing " Neptune's Cup ") is shown to be untenable
1 Cf. Cayeux, " L'etude miciographique des terrains sedimentaire," p. 31)2.
2 Mem. GeoL Surveij, Vol. iv. p. 95.
^ Woodward, H. B., Mem. Geol. Survey, " Geology of Country round Nor-
wich," 1881. Mem. Geol. Survey, "Cretaceous Rocks of Britain,'' Vol. iii. p. 2G0.
32
PROFESSOR HUGHES
by their having a hole right through, by some of them con-
sisting of two cylinders one within the other but separated by
several inches of chalk, and by none of them showing sponge
structure, though of course they contain scattered spicules as
does the surrounding chalk. The larger "paramoudras " are
almost always broken into pieces, which however lie in their
original relative position. An amusing explanation of their
name was given to me by Sir Charles Lyell. Dr Buckland
observing some of them in a quarry asked the men what they
were called, when one of the workmen, willing to oblige a
gentleman, invented a sonorous word on the spur of the moment
— " We call them paramoudras, Sir." This went into Dr Buck-
land's notebook, and has been accepted as the name of these
objects ever since.
There are also large cup-shaped sponges, of which one is
exhibited in Pew II. W, Wall case.
The flint near Cambridge and Brandon is brittle when first
extracted, but when it has got rid of the " quarr}^ water " it is
black, homogeneous, and tenacious. Further north, as in most
of the flint bearing beds of the Norfolk coast, it is mottled grey
and white of unequal texture and tenacity. Some flints more
readily break into flat, others into curved pieces. Some seem
to be irregularly jointed.
This explains the preference for the flint of certain locali-
ties among the primeval flint-using folk. They well knew and
regularly visited the places where the flints which best suited
their purpose could be obtained.
The outlines of the masses of flint in the chalk are in most
cases sharply defined, but sometimes, especially in the chalk of
the northern parts of East Anglia and in Yorkshire, we find
that the silica has only partially replaced the chalk and occurs
either in alternations of thin bands or pervades the whole lump
interstitially, so that there are parts, especially on the margin
of the flint, in which there is much carbonate of lime in the
flint which is then of a lighter colour and in the destructive
processes of weathering this part most readily becomes changed
by the solution of the carbonate of lime in it.
FLINTS
33
Fracture of Flint.
Of no less importance than the building up or formation of
flints is their mode of fracture and weathering which is, as
stated above, largely dependent upon their texture and structure
and this in turn upon their mode of formation.
In the Chalk the flints once formed are comparatively safe
except where volcanic action or recent movements have altered,
crushed and shattered them, but when they are scattered over
the surface, or occur in supeificial deposits, they are exposed to
all sorts of influences which modify them in form, condition of
surface, colour, brittleness, and other characters.
For our present enquiry the fracture of flint is of greatest
interest. Pew II. W, Shelf 2. If we strike an ordinary homo-
geneous flint with a hard pebble or round-headed hammer, the
two bodies, owing to their elasticity, are compressed and come
in contact over a small discoidal surface. The flint, pressed
in and shattered, breaks in flakes so thin that the edges may
be regarded as leaving a curved surface, which, when the
shattered part has been removed by the weather, appears as a
shallow basin, while a conical nipple with an apex of 110° often
remains under the discoidal area when the action of the weather
has not entirely removed this portion also.
As the result of these processes we commonly find on the
face of dressed flints, in church walls for instance, a number of
small circular bruises with concentric rings or pits and a small
nipple, central and symmetrical, or lateral and oblique, accord-
ing to the direction of the blow. Or it may be the whole of the
bruised flint has been flaked and weathered out, leaving a
shallow^ basin-like depression. This is the explanation of the
" pitted flints " which we find scattered about the surface of the
ground. These flints have received repeated small blows and
have been subsequently exposed to the action of the weather.
If, however, the blow be sufficiently strong to break up the
flint, and we might regard the action of the hammer as punching
out a portion of the flint, then the nipple described above
"behaves with" the hammer and drives out a conical mass
which if prolonged would have an apex of 30°, so that the
C. A. S. Gomm, Vol. XVIII.
34
PROFESSOR HUGHES
result is a lonji^ narrow cone truncated by a short broad cone
with a more or less sharply defined shoulder between the two.
This shoulder is often repeated in clear steps or obscure
undulations all along the length of the narrow cone, producing
what is known as conchoid al fracture, and, where circumstances
offer a shorter or easier way, the break flies along it, producing
an endless variety of recurved and plate-edge forms. Explana-
tory figures of these were given in the paper quoted above ^
If the blow be delivered on the margin of a flint a slice only
of the cone on cone or double cone is struck off, producing a
flake, a part of the truncating cone being seen in the "bulb of
percussion," some of the small discoidal surface of contact
between the two elastic bodies being generally apparent. The
direction in which the blow has been delivered is shown by
the outward curve of the conchoidal fracture.
Another mode of fracture of flint is by the expansion and
contraction due to changes of temperature and moisture. A
common result of this is seen in the crackly surface and hackly
fracture of flints which have been baked in lime kilns or in
burning weeds.
Where however this process has been less violent, as in the
case of flints exposed only to sunshine and frost and rain, we
often find a tendency to tear along curved planes so as eventu-
ally to loosen lenticular pieces. These however do not show a
bulb of percussion and rarely any marked conchoidal fracture,
but assume shapes which, when subjected to accidental blows
along their edge in the surface soil or on the shore, approach and
have probably often suggested forms made and used by man.
The Weathering of Flint.
The colour and patina produced on the surface of flint by
weathering is commonly appealed to as a proof of the genuine-
ness of implements, and is therefore a point of some importance
in considering the evidence for the occurrence of human remains
in any deposit.
1 Geological Repertory, No. Si, May 1, 1868, pp. 128—131.
FLINTS
Ordinary flint consists of two kinds of silica, one less soluble
and the other more soluble. When the more soluble, sometimes
from analogy spoken of as the colloidal part, is removed, the
remainder, having interstitial spaces left, reflects the light
which the homogeneous mass absorbed, and the flint is white
as snow and powdery and light as chalk (Pew II. W, Shelf 1).
This is well seen in some of the pebbles in the Tertiary beds of
Barton and elsewhere, and may be produced artificially by
boiling flint in a strong solution of caustic soda\
There are also flints the surface of which is whitened by the
reflecting faces due to innumerable small cracks, but neither
does that furnish us with a sufficient explanation of the surface
condition of the flints which whiten most of our gravelly soils
in East Anglia. jL782020
There may be a solution of a portion of the exterior, and
there may be innumerable small tension cracks, but, though
these may prepare the way for other changes, they will not by
themselves explain the polished white or yellow film that coats
our surface and gravel flints. We must refer the matter back
to the chemists and ask them whether there is not some process
of hydration which changes the outside of the amorphous
glassy flint.
In this connection we may refer also to the wonderful polish
induced in some cases on flints in gravel or clay, which makes
them shine as if dipped in a thin varnish of transparent
chalcedony.
The colour and patina produced by the weathering of the
surface of flint is undoubtedly of importance in considering the
evidence for the occurrence of human remains in any deposit.
In the case of large implements it has much force, but in the
case of arrow heads and other small instruments even the white
colour and patina may be obtained by making the instrument
out of a thin flake from the exterior of a deeply weathered
stone and giving the patina by polishing.
^ Hill, Wm., Proc. Geol Assoc. Vol. xxii. 1911, p. 61.
3-2
i
I
36 PROFESSOR HUGHES
Flint Implements. \
Havinc: made ourselves familiar with the forms and textures
of flints, arising out of their mode of formation, and studied
their natural susceptibilities in respect of fracture and weather-
ing, let us now examine some of those shaped by man for
various purposes and endeavour to arrive at some method of |
discrimination between them and those due to natural agencies. [
This is a question to which no one can give a certain i'
answer in every case. There are some in which the experienced I
eye at once recognises design, and there are some which the |
trained observer recognises as identical wnth what are commonly
produced by nature, but there remain a number which, as Sir
John Evans used to say, must be carried to a suspense account :
— which may be unfinished instruments rejected as misfits, or
the results of combinations of natural accidental operations
such as I have been describing. Let us now take a few groups
of naturally shaped flints.
Figure Forms.
First there are those which are called "Figure Forms."
M. Boucher de Perthes^ was the first to call serious attention to
these. He was the man who in 1857 announced the discovery
of palaeolithic implements in the valley of the Somme ; and it
is often said in reply to those who criticise adversely the evi-
dence upon which a more remote antiquity is now claimed for \
man than had been previously supposed, that the same thing
w^as done in the case of Boucher de Perthes' discoveries. But
the rejoinder is obvious. Had Boucher de Perthes not
supported a correct theory by bad evidence the acceptance of
his views would not have been so long retarded. We cannot in
science give a bill of indemnity for false reasoning though it
was in support of a suggestion which afterwards turned out to
be true.
Boucher de Perthes thought that there were flints which
from the accident of their mode of formation and weathering
bore a resemblance to figures of the whole or part of animals |
^ Antiquites Celtiques et Anted iluviennes, 1847, 1861.
FLINTS
37
and that some of these, thongh not wholly fashioned by man,
were selected by him and often chipped here and there to
improve the likeness.
The small perforated bead-like sponge Coccinopora glohu-
laris, though a natural form, was supposed by some to have been
collected and used in a necklace or armlet from the occurrence
of large numbers in a small area. But other fossils, such as
" The DeviFs Toe-nail," are more abundant in certain gravel
pits, owing to that part of the gravel being derived directly
or indirectly from the original deposit in which those fossils
were most abundant. With the greater chances of finding a
resemblance offered by the lower animals we may expect to find
some even closer likenesses.
The collection which I exhibited on the occasion of reading
this paper is I think a reductio ad absurdum of such fancies.
The only thing I could do beyond calling your attention to it is
to point out some particular cases in which the mode of growth
of the stone is obvious. These specimens wdll be found exhibited
in the Sedgwick Museum, Pew 11. W, Shelf 1 B, and can be
studied at leisure.
There are several flints resembling legs, one a full-sized
rather gouty foot. There is a skull slightly distorted and the
head and face of a man with a prominent aquiline nose, a small
figure of a woman or doll. These are all accidental develop-
ments of tuberous flints. Among those resembling the lower
animals there is the head of a small dog on a stand, the head
being a tuberous flint with which the stand, a piece of tabular
flint, has coalesced (see above p. 30). An eagle perched on a
rock is produced in the same way. Sheep are represented in
one case, even the texture of the wool being given by the pitted
surface of the flint (see p. 33).
I found in the Museum a specimen on w^hich some unknown
humorist of long ago had written " supposed to be the hardened
heart of Pharaoh."
An interesting result of difference of texture in the original
chalk is seen in certain banded flints. Bands of colour are
produced by infiltration of water either carrying a metallic
oxide in solution or altering matter already existing in the rock.
PROFESSOR HUGHES
The inaiiner in which some of these effects have been produced
in the Northamptonshire ironstone has been discussed by-
Professor Judd. The " Monghton Whetstones " under Ingle-
borough offer good examples of the rounding off of the corners
so that the central nucleus is spherical or egg-shaped. Flint
lends itself very readily to this action, and being sometimes of
diverse texture owing to imbedded organisms or differences in
the chalk which has been replaced, we find infiltration irregu-
larly arrested or controlled. Where an organism has affected
the porosity of the flint, though the organic structure has
ceased to be apparent, we sometimes find a portion of the flint
banded, with a sharply defined outline to the banded part.
Sometimes the banded area is an elongated cylindrical figure
with regular curved bands due to infiltration crossing it like the
septa in an orthoceras. In these cases we have a figure the
outline of which has been determined by an organism, while
the conspicuous markings have nothing to do with it but are
due to infiltration and chemical action subsequent to the dis-
appearance of the organism.
The bands resulting from these processes have often very
different powers of resistance to weathering owing to the
mineral changes which have been set up, and we often find on
a flint whose outline has been determined by an organism and
whose banding has been produced by infiltration, a corrugated
surface subsequently produced by weathering and we get an
accidental resemblance to the pupa of an insect or even to a
trilobite (Pew IL, A 6).
But most of the flints which have an accidental resemblance
to forms of living creatures or other natural objects are due to
the irregular development of the ordinary tuberous flint modi-
fied occasionally when it has replaced a part of the chalk
affected by joints or irregularities of texture, or is a combina-
tion of tabular and tuberous flint.
Yet these, under the title of" Figure Forms," are being again
seriously regarded by some as evidence of man's choice, and, when
a little chipped as if to improve the likeness, of man's handiworks
1 W. M. Newton, Journ. Brit. Archaeol. Assoc. March 1913 ; Geol. Mag.
Vol. X. Sept. 1913, p. 424.
FLINTS
39
The criticism of such inferences is based upon the lines of
inquiry into the natural modes of formation, modification and
destruction of flints which I have endeavoured to lay before
you. They are but accidental likenesses such as you find m
potatoes, artichokes, the finger-and-toe in roots, in the damp
stains on a wall or the forms of clouds. I exhibit (Pew IL, A 6)
a placid camel's head, a weasel with its upcurved back, a lumpy
vvhale :
Ham. Do you see yonder cloud, that's almost in shape of a camel 1
Pol. By the mass, and 'tis like a camel, indeed.
Ham. Methiuks it is like a weasel.
Pol. It is backed like a weasel.
Ham. Or, hke a whale ?
Pol. Very like a whale.
Hamlet, Act iiL Sc. n.
There Hamlet and Polonius left their fanciful similitudes
in the ever-changing clouds, but nowadays the equally fanciful
recognition of shapes of man and beast among the innumerable
forms accidentally assumed by flint is again finding favour.
That out of the millions of flints that I have seen I should
have been able to pick up one here and one there which has an
accidental resemblance to a man or beast or plant is not so
strange.
Chipped and Flaked Flints.
Such suggestions are interesting and amusing, but they do
•not lead directly to further inferences of great importance.
Not so the supposed recognition of human work on flints
found in the deposits of our high plateaux or taken out of
Glacial Deposits or the base of the Red Crag.
On that recognition and at present on that alone we depend
for the inference that man or an implement-making precursor
of mat lived in the remote ages to which those deposits are
assigned— for the character and the provenance of the human
bones said to have been found in some of them are still matters
of controversy. I am prepared to admit that the Suffolk Bone
Bed, or Norfolk Stone Bed, i.e. the Basement Bed of the Red
Crag, is of much later date than would be implied by bracketing
40
PROFESSOR HUGHES
it with the lower Pliocene beds rather than with the overl3'ing
deposits of the encroaching Glacial Sea. But that is unim- '
portant for our present enquiry.
It is improbable a priori that man existed when the Red
Crag Sea was creeping over the sinking area on which the
Suffolk Bone Bed is seen to rest or that he can have dropped
implemen-ts in Norfolk and Suffolk in Glacial times, whether '
we believe that sea-borne ice or a Scandinavian ice-sheet was ;
the agent of deposition.
However that may be, with the exception of some unsettled
cases of doubtful bones said to have been found in deposits of ;
uncertain age, the whole theory of man's existence in the \
several ages to which the deposits are assigned depends upon j
the recognition of design and man's handiwork upon certain j
flints found in those beds.
If nature produces forms identical with those, cac?^^ quaestio.
We have only to prove the particular negative to overthrow
the universal affirmative that all such flints must have been
fashioned by man.
Forgeries.
Any one who has taken pains to make flint implements
himself knows well that the flints of certain areas lend them-
selves more readily than others to the process of manufacture,
and also, if he wants any peculiar forms he soon learns that they
are more apt to occur as the result of the weathering of flint of
exceptional structure and texture and, may be, of limited dis-
tribution. This is the kind of experience which makes one
receive with great suspicion the argument that because a con- ^
siderable number of flints fractured into certain similar forms
occur in one deposit or locality they must be referred to a
separate race and age.
For instance, the Norfolk flint is very apt to break into
curved fragments. Among these adze-shaped, beaked, and
rostro-carinate forms are common. What wonder, then, that
we should find a few of these in the basement bed of the Red
Crag, a deposit which represents the sweepings of the old land
surface where this very kind of flint was being broken up.
FLINTS
41
To enable us to form an opinion as to whether any parti-
cular examples can be taken as showing evidence of man's work
it is obviously desirable not only to make ourselves familiar
with the mode of formation, fracture, and weathering of flint,
but also to examine carefully all available examples of the
behaviour of flints during the process of trying to fashion one
into an implement. For this purpose skilfully made forgeries
are especially useful.
There is a very large number of forgeries in public and
private museums, and I have thought it worth while to make
a collection of such in order if possible to be able to distinguish
them from the genuine implement.
The result of my study has been to enable me now to set
aside some implements as certainly genuine and some as
undoubtedly forgeries, while some do not show sufficiently
distinctive characters to enable me to refer them with confi-
dence to one or the other. Many of those exhibited I know to
be forgeries because I made them myself (Pew XL, Cabinet d) so
that, taking that for granted, I may point out some characters
in which they differ from ancient implements on which the
condition of the surface has been modified by ages of exposure
to the action of the weather and other circumstances.
Referring to my remarks (p. 33) on the fracture of flint, it
may be remembered that under the influence of blows, a flint
breaks and tears into thin flakes which subsequently are
removed by weathering. A newly made implement commonly
has, still attached to the flint, some of these small flakes which
are often more conspicuous in consequence of the film of air
beneath them, whereas in the ancient implement these have
been weathered away. Also I explained how a kind of patina
was produced on the surface of the flint partly by the removal
of some of the more soluble portion, so that the minute in-
terstitial spaces thus produced give rise to innumerable small
surfaces, and these reflect the light which is absorbed by the
unweathered homogeneous and translucent flint.
The hackly fracture near the edge which is due to repeated
blows on or near the same spot is if not removed at any rate
much modified by time and weather.
42
PROFESSOR HUGHES
These points are observable also on the highly finished \
small implements which I exhibit. Some of them are by the
celebrated Flint Jack of long ago, who was so successful in
taking in collectors. Unfortunately when that imposture was ,
detected many people did away with all the doubtful specimens
they possessed and thus destroyed what we should now regard j
as useful evidence. Other specimens now exhibited (Pew II.,
Cabinet a, b, c) are by a modern far more skilful hand.
Among these you will notice some which appear to have
the light colour and patina of the genuine implement. This,
as I have already explained, p. 35, is arrived at by selecting ,
a flint, the exterior of which has been whitened by the weather [
to a considerable depth, or which, as happens sometimes, has )
been weathered all through. Such a piece when dressed into
the form of an arrow head or larger object has already the [
colour and easily takes the shine of an implement which has
been exposed to the weather for ages.
Some of them I once showed to Sir John Evans, who
remarked " These would deceive even the elect." The way to |
test such specimens is to break them, when it can generally be j
seen whether the alteration is from the exterior of the finished '
implement or all through. But this of course spoils the
specimen.
Thus the value of a collection of forgeries consists not only
in the opportunities it gives for studying the characteristics
of freshly fractured surfaces and thus educating the eye and
hand to detect forgeries "offered as genuine, but also in helping
one to understand the modus operandi and often in explaining
why certain specimens proved in the making to be unsuitable
for the purpose intended and were thrown away as misfits. It
is however only by persistent etforts to manufacture implements
oneself that one becomes familiar with the ways of flint and
able in most cases to form an opinion as to whether nature can
have produced any specimen submitted to us or whether it
must be the work of man.
One of the tests appealed to as proof that a given specimen
was really obtained from the gravel deposit in which it was
said to have been found was the occurrence of incrustations on
FLINTS
43
rs surface. This incrustation was generally carbonate of lime
which it does not take long to precipitate and which may be
j formed long after the deposition of the bed. One of the
'forgeries exhibited (Pew II., Cabinet) was dipped in the fine
calcareous mud washed down from the Norfolk cliff near
i Cromer, this soon dried and set, and by removing the super-
Ifluous part with a brush we got the "incrustation" left here
and there.
•
Recent
The most satisfactory way of approaching a question of this
kind is to proceed from the clear and better known examples
to the more obscure; and, with this in view, I exhibit a collec-
tion of recent implements (Pew II., Table Case a). Modern races
of low civilization now use or have recently used implements of
various material such as flint and obsidian, as among the
North American Indians ; glass picked up from wrecks, etc., as
on the coast of Tierra del Fuego ; igneous rocks, generally
basic, more rarely acidic ; quartzite ; and other rocks of less
common occurrence, as fibrolite, varieties of jade, etc., etc.
The study of stone implements of comparatively recent
date and the mode of manufacture as recorded by travellers
cannot fail to throw much light upon the subject before
us. It is a common observation that some races are still
in their Stone Age, and when we run our eye over a collec-
tion of implements from Australasia (See Pew II., Table Case)
we cannot help being struck by the similarity between the
forms recently in use there and the polished stone implements
of Europe. Or, if we turn to the arrow heads from far Japan,
North America., or the Yorkshire Wolds, we have the questions
forced upon us, are these distributed in this manner by the
migration of peoples, or are they only the result of independent
development arising out of similar requirements ? — questions
easier to ask than to answer. They apply to many forms
besides the arrow heads, and offer a useful caution to those
who find in such a term as " Aurignacian " for instance, an
explanation of the wide distribution of some of the simplest
forms of flakes and scrapers.
44
PROFESSOR HUGHES
By studying the uses to which such implements are put in •
recent times, we learn much that will enable us to draw '
correct inferences as to the prehistoric specimens. |l
We may consider these various implements as originally ^
intended for either domestic use, the chase, or war.
Probably most of them were first employed for domestic \
purposes — for digging up roots, cutting wood, breaking nuts .
and bones and so on. They were used in the chase, as in the
case of the polished stone vf eapon with which the urus was pole-
axed in Burwell Fen (Pew I., II., Wall Case, centre). Some, as
the arrow heads, were originally made for the chase. Then
they were used in war and modified when necessary.
So the English bill, which was an instrument made for
chopping wood, became one of the most effective weapons of
the English footsoldier.
Finally, when these early stone weapons had been super-
seded by metal and an ancient stone axe was picked up here
and tliere, its finish and artificial look struck the finder as a
thing to be referred to some mysterious origin, and it was
thought to have fallen from the sky and was called by the
Greeks Kepavvia \iOo^^] by others, thunderbolt or elf shot.
When we come to enquire how these ancient weapons were
hafted, we cannot do better than examine a few recent methods
and trace them back as far as we can into prehistoric times
(Pew II., Drawers). Here we shall find the polished weapon
of the South Sea Islander whipped on to a suitable wooden
handle with split withies, or further back in the Lake Dwellings
the hatchet mounted in a small piece of Red Deer antler
and this set in wood, a method which took off the jar and-
helped to save the handle from splitting. This and the loss of
the valuable axe head was an ever present danger which in
the Bronze Age was often guarded against by providing the
socketed celt or the palstave with a loop by which it could be
attached to the handle.
1 C. W. King, Archaeol. Journ. Vol. 25, 1868, "On a Ceraunia of Jade
converted into a Gnostic talisman."
FLINTS
45
Neolithic.
Through reproductions in recent times of forms which
;net the requirements of earlier but not always less civilised
man, and through the ages when metal was so little known or
so scarce that stone still continued in use, we feel our way back
uito the obscurity of prehistoric times. No one studying this
subject should be without Sir Charles Hercules Read's clear
and comprehensive Guide to the Antiquities of the Stone Age in
the British Museum.
Lord Avebury gave us the useful division of Neolithic and
Palaeolithic, to which some now add Eolithic for all forms
referred to still earlier ages.
These three groups are of course broken up and will be
still further subdivided as time goes on. There is much doubt
as to when the Neolithic Age began. When the chisel-shaped
mstrument first superseded the rounded leaf-shaped form of
Palaeolithic man, some inventor saw the advantages of an even
cutting edge and found out how to produce it by grinding the
cud of the stone and finally the whole surface of the imple-
ment.
Neolithic implements have generally but not always straight
sides. They are often rough dressed, but it is not clear whether
this is not only in the case of unfinished specimens.
The essential characters of the Palaeolithic stage are that
the implements have curved outlines and are never polished.
The most marked difference between a genuine polished
implement and a forgery is that the ancient maker ground the
surface to reduce the implement to the general shape required
and neglected the small depressions, the margin of which
therefore cut the ground surface with a sharply defined line,
and the grinding did not appear in the depression.
The modern fabricator almost always not ordy grinds but
polishes the surface of the implement and in the process oblite-
rates the sharp edge of the depressions and gives them a polish
similar to that of the general surface of the implement. This is
more commonly seen in felstone forgeries than in those made of
Hint; but when attention has been drawn to this point and it
46
PROFESSOR HUGHES
has reached the fabricators, they will easily modify their
methods so as to escape detection by this character at auy
rate.
Rough Neolithic implements as well as earlier types often
seem to be suggested by common natural forms, as may be seen
in my collection in Jermyn Street referred to above p. 28.
This is interesting as showing, or at any rate suggesting, that
Neolithic man did not derive all his forms by modification of the
previous Palaeolithic types but again started fresh from nature.
Nor did he when going back to natural forms take the oval, leaf,
or tongue- shaped flints which, being fairly common, seem to
have suggested to Palaeolithic man the outlines of the strong
and serviceable instruments which we find associated with his
remains.
With Neolithic man we find the fauna and flora of the
Fens, with Palaeolithic man the fauna and flora of the River
Terraces ; but I am now dealing with the forms and characters
of the flints used by him, and not with the contemporary fauna
and flora.
Transition from Palaeolithic to Neolithic.
General Pitt-Rivers^ pointed out that the flints scattered
broadcast over the ancient flint workings of Cissbury, with
which the Grimes Graves flints are identical, yielded forms
intermediate between Palaeolithic and Neolithic; and Canon
Greenwell^ arrived at the same conclusion with regard to
Grimes Graves ; while some have gone further and thrown all
the Cissbury and Grimes Graves flints into the Palaeolithic.
Any one who examines the large collection which I have brought
together and arranged in the Sedgwick Museum will I think
be convinced that whether or not some of them may be
regarded as similar to, and others only slight modifications of,
recognised Palaeolithic types, there are also a large number of
1 Lane-Fox (afterwards Pitt-Rivers), Journ. Anth. Inst. Vol. v. p. 357 ;
Archaeologia, Vol. xlii. 1869, p. 53. See also Willett, E. H. ib. xlv. 1875
(1880), p. 337.
2 Greenwell, Ethn. Soc. Lond. Vol. ii. 1870 (1876), p. 419.
FLINTS
47
iistinctlv Neolithic forms, though none are polished. I have
already discussed these questions more fully elsewhere^
So much doubt has been thrown upon the authenticity of
the solitary greenstone implement brought by the workmen to
Canon Greenwell that it cannot be admitted as evidence.
Mv collection may be taken as fairly typical, seeing that I
dug with General Pitt-Rivers at Cissbury and have collected on
;\nd about Grimes Graves since long before the ground was so
much cleared by collectors.
I have also shown elsewhere- that there is sometimes found
on the borders of the Fens a thin flat implement in which the
sides are straighter than in the typical Palaeolithic specimens
and the outline approaches a rectangular form (Pew II., Table
Case). This I have suggested may belong to an intermediate
stage between Palaeolithic and Neolithic implements.
If further investigation should confirm these views, then
the great break between the Palaeolithic and Neolithic Ages
would disappear.
I have arranged a row of implements from Grimes Graves
and another from Cissbury parallel to the Palaeolithic series
from St Acheul, etc., and selected them so as to represent as
nearly as possible the various typical Palaeolithic forms, from
which it will I think be clear either that the tradition of
certain types went on or that in the embryology of a flint im-
plement certain forms were always apt to be first flaked out.
Palaeolithic Caves.
For our present purpose we may conveniently consider the
Palaeolithic stage under two heads :
(1) The older Alluvial or River Drift, and
(2) The Troglodytic or Cave Deposits.
Here I would acknowledge the assistance I rsceived in the
arrangement of the specimens from Miles Burkitt, B.A., Trin.
1 Proc. Gamh. Ant. Soc. E. xxxvi. May 15, 1876, No. xviii. ; Vol. in. No. 4,
1879, p. 26. Cambridge Review, Vol. 7, Nov. 11, 1885, p. 66.
2 " Archaeology and Geography of the Fenland," Journ. Brit. Archaeol.
A>iHoc. Dec. 1899, p. 10.
48
PROFESSOR HUGHES
Coll., who is now carrying his researches into a wider field,
and has recently brought some of the results of his work before
us in clear and admirably illustrated lectures.
It seems to be pietty well established that the cave men
are generally later than the men of the river terraces and the
men whose remains occur on the plateaux \ There is no great
break between them, and some river drift types are still found
in the older caves. Caves have been occupied by man and the
lower animals through all time ; and cave deposits, except
where disturbed by interments, burrowing animals, occasional
floods, etc., are generally preserved as originally laid down.
A small series from the Palaeolithic caves of the South of
France is exhibited in the Museum, Pew II., Table Case, west
side, a, b, c, d.
These were collected before the cave deposits had been
worked out, and before so many people had visited the localities
with a view to selecting good specimens of what they considered
typical of the place and age.
Moreover, they were all collected when travelling with either
Sir Charles Lyell, Sir John Evans, or Professor Prestwich,
while many other experts of our own country as well as
foreigners joined them and gave me the benefit of their advice
and guidance. So I claim for this collection some little
personal value and interest.
If it be true that the mode of fracture of flints depends
upon characters which vary much locally, it is clear that
classifications based upon the length of flakes, the curvature of
the faces and the colour and condition of the surface must be
received with caution. Yet it may well be that certain races in
various ages for some reason, perhaps only because the flint
which occurred near them lent itself to certain forms, preferred
one or other of the different types and took trouble to obtain
the material from which they could most easily be produced.
If now we turn to the specimens we shall have an
opportunity of forming an opinion as to how far these remarks
are justified.
1 Arch. Journ. : Pvoc. R. Arch. Inst. Vol, lxix. No. 274, 2nd Ser. Vol. xix.
No. 2, pp. 205—214.
FLINTS
49
Let us take first what has generally been considered the
oldest cave deposit, namely that of Le Moustier. The overlap
of the older Palaeolithic and the Troglodytic is seen in the
Cave of Le Moustier, from which I exhibit implements of the
older type, though I must admit that some of them are not above
suspicion (Pew L, Table Case).
Le Moustier is characterised by the occurrence in it of the
mammoth and of leaf-shaped implements resembling those of
St Acheul, while certain other forms of dressed flint are of such
frequent occurrence as to be regarded as distinctive. The most
common of these are rough rhomboidal forms with one corner
more carefully trimmed for use, and also one known as a side-
scraper or racloir, i.e. a half-moon-shaped instrument with the
curved outer margin chipped to an edge ; though both of these
occur also in other caves to which a later age has been assigned,
as shown in the collection Pew I., Table Case a, b, c, d. The
flakes are small and thick and many of them are developed into
rough scrapers of the type now referred to as Aurignacian, but
a fine core which I obtained myself in the cave of Le Moustier
shows that long flakes like those now called Magdalenian have
been struck off it.
The disappearance of the mammoth and the appearance of
reindeer has been held to coincide with changes in the character
of the remains of every-day domestic life of the cave dwellers.
Accordingly Laugerie Haute and Laugerie Basse have been
pointed out as belonging to a later date. Laugerie Haute and
Laugerie Basse seem to have dropped out of notice, and between
Le Moustier and La Madeleine are now intercalated Aurignac
and Solutre, the former marked by the prevalence of a thick
short instrument showing every gradation from a conical core
to a scraper ; while the Cave of La Madeleine, occurring close
by, was regarded as the newest of the four and was supposed to
owe its different characters to gradual development of fashion
and habits, by lapse of time and change in oppoitunities. The
similarities, however, will be seen to be much greater than the
differences and to be far more important ; for the recognition of
an ever increasing number of stages based on evidence obtained
from far separated stations is regarded by many as somewhat
C,A,S. Oomm, Vol. XVIII. 4
50
PROFESSOR HUGHES
hasty. Our confidence in the judgment of some of the observers
is much weakened by the boldness with which they introduce
glacial epochs in Palaeolithic or even Neolithic times to explain
or accentuate changes in the succession of human events.
M. Comment^ accepting some of the numerous schemes of
subdivision of the Glacial Epoch in our more northern latitudes
has the following judicious remarks upon their application to
France.
" La vallee de la Somme n'a pas ete soumise directement
aux influences glaciaires. Mais il n'est pas douteux que la
formation des differentes terrasses (en relation elles-memes avec
les plages soulev6es du littoral et dependant du deplacement du
niveau de la mer) est en correlation etroite avec les epoques
glaciaires n'ayant ete marquees dans notre region que par des
periodes plus humides ayant occasionne un ruissellement plus
intense et un surcreusement des vallees."
What he really infers is that there were earth movements
and changes of sea-level during the formation of some of the
valley deposits of the north of France, and he suggests that the
earlier of these may have coincided with glacial conditions in
countries much further north.
In the Sedgwick Museum these cave specimens are arranged
as in the case of the other Palaeolithic implements, in rows.
The top row contains specimens from Le Moustier. The second
row specimens from the Laugeries, almost all of which are from
Laugerie Haute, as from Laugerie Basse I obtained hardly
anything except bones worked and un worked. In the third
row are the objects from La Madeleine ; below which are small
groups of specimens from other caves.
If now we run our eye, not from right to left along the
contents of each separate cave, but from the top to the bottom
of each column, we shall see the succession from the older forms
of Le Moustier, by the intermediate series of the two Laugeries
and Les Eyzies, down to the newer types of La Madeleine ;
while specimens from Lourdes and Sorde are placed as nearly
as possible in their proper order. Space did not allow of the
^ Op. cit. p. 252.
FLINTS
51
display of the bones and bone instruments alongside of the
Mone, but they can be studied in adjoining cases.
Of course during the long ages of occupation many caves
saw a succession of inhabitants who differed may be in race and
habits, while climatal changes were going on and the fauna of
the country was changing too, and this has been observed in
some caves. It is difficult to explain or realise at all how there
could be such differences between different caves. Why did
not the Mousterian folk for instance, when they came, occupy
and leave their mark in every available cave in the district ? ■
Near by may be seen various collections and specimens
which illustrate different parts of the subject. There is a
large series (Pew II.) of specimens of local interest. These
have been picked up on the surface of the ground or procured
from workmen or given to me by friends. They rarely have
any association which would enable me to assign an age to
them, and therefore they are merely grouped according to their
form in order to facilitate comparison.
Among them there are two flint flakes from a tribulum
near Smyrna where it was recently seen in use for breaking up
the ears of corn and separating the grain.
Sir John Evans in his work on the Stone Implements of
Great Britain that wonderful monument of knowledge and
careful research, has discussed the origin of the innumerable,
flakes used " semper, ubique et ab omnibus," and describes
(p. 257) the tribulum as possibly accounting for their presence
in such large numbers in certain localities.
The flakes from the Smyrna tribulum are highly polished
on several faces — by use as I was told. I have placed with
them a small collection of flakes from our own district, but
none of ours are polished. If the chipping of the end of a flake
producing the form known as a scraper flake was sometimes
produced by use, we ought to be able to detec^' some relation
between the character of the chipping and the mode of inser-
tion and use of the flakes.
The wide-spread use of such an implement to-day strengthens
1 The Ancient Stone Implements, Weapons and Ornaments of Great Britain,
by John Evans, Lond. Longmans, Ltd. 1872, p. 2.
4—2
52
PROFESSOR HUGHES
the probability of its having been common in this country at
one time. My friend, Ivor H. N. Evans, B.A., writes to
me that "the Dusuns of N. British Borneo... use a sort of
bamboo hurdle with projecting spikes of hard wood on the
under surface. This implement is used for harrowing, after the
wet rice fields have been ploughed up into a slush with a very
primitive type of plough. The hurdle is drawn by a buffalo,
and a man stands on it exactly as shown in your sketch. I
imagine that, with the excellent substitutes of hard palm wood
and bamboo abounding, stone flakes were but little used."
From the analogy of the various saw-like instruments made
by modern uncivilized races by setting sharks'-teeth or other
sharp cutting material along the edge of wooden blades we
may conjecture that there were in ancient times many
instruments with flint teeth similarly inserted along the edge.
This might also explain the occurrence of numbers of frag-
ments of flint of approximately the same small size in certain
localities all over the world. These are commonly called
"Pygmy Fhnts^" (Pew II.). Some of them are chipped along
the edge, but whether by design or wear it is diflicult to con-
jecture.
There are also two specimens placed side by side in the
same box as they w^ere produced out of his pocket by a game-
keeper, who informed me that he had picked them up on the
hill above Brandon ; the one is a small tanged and barbed flint
arrow head, the other an almost identical socketed iron arrow
head.
Palaeolithic — River Drift.
Palaeolithic implements have been classified according to
their form, and attempts are being made to establish stages
based upon these forms and their supposed order of appearance
in time ; but in many cases these seem to have a topographical
rather than a chronological significance.
The form usually regarded as the oldest of this stage is
named Strepian from the Belgian locality Strepy, but that
^ Gatty, Rev. Reginald.
FLINTS 53
called Chellean from Chelles iti the Valley of the Seine about
seven miles above Paris and supposed to be of somewhat later
ao-e than that of Strepy, is more important for our present
purpose, because it is said to occur in the lower beds of
St Acheul, near Amiens, respecting which we have the careful
work of Professor Commont to refer to.
Attention has only recently been called to the two varieties
of the pointed implements (coup de poing or hand-axe) which
have always been obtained in abundance from the gravel pits
near Amiens.
The one which is named Chellean is more roughly dressed
than the other pointed implement which is said to be found
only in the newer part of the deposit and named Acheulian
after the well-known locality St Acheul.
In the Chellean type the large flakes taken off it produce a
coarsely wavy edge, and the broad end is much thicker though
still flattish, while it often happens that much of the cortex or
original exterior of the flint is left. Yet it tapers to a fairly
fine point with concave or reentrant edges, a form which
requires some caie in the making.
The Acheulian pointed implement is flatter at the broad
end and is much more closely flaked so that the edge is more
even and is generally straight or bulging.
It is stated that when remains of animals are found associated
with these types of implement in the gravel, the older forms,
Elephas antiquus and Rhinoceros merckii, occur with the
Chellean, and the newer forms, Elephas primigenius and
Rhinoceros tichorhinus, with the Acheulian.
But many of these inferences depend largely upon e.T post
facto evidence, and it is not easy to pronounce upon such
variable objects as these pointed implements which graduate
into one another through every shade of difiference, nor to say
of each sample whether it should be referred by its form to the
rougher or to the more finished group.
Some think that the Chellean was not a more ancient form
but only a less well-finished tool chipped out sufliciently to
serve some rougher purpose ; but, whether the views sketched
out above be confirmed or not, the name Chellean may be useful
54
PROFESSOK HUGHES
to distinguisli a particular form, which, as may be seen in the
series exhibited (Pew I., Table Case e, f, g, h), occurs on almost
every Palaeolithic site.
The still older Mesvin, Maffle, and Reutel Stages of Dr
A. Rutot belong to the Eolithic.
In East Anglia we have not had many opportunities of
studying the sequence of deposits in which various forms of
dressed flint might, from the analogy of the observations
recently made in France, Belgium and elsewhere on the conti-
nent, be expected to occur in chronological order. Most of
our specimens have been obtained from gravel diggers who do
not notice whether the stone was thrown out from the bottom
or fell in from higher beds. Many of them are found on the
surface or are ploughed up. We have, however, procured a
sufficient number to show^ that certain forms are more preva-
lent than others in certain localities, and may arrange them
according to the classification of such careful observers as
Professor Comment, who says, speaking regretfully of what
might have been learned had any competent observer watched
the early excavations in the Somme Valley, " Ce serait encore
un document susceptible de mettre au point cette question si
controversee du niveau stratigraphique des differentes indus-
tries. Mais pour cela il nous fallait recueillir I'ensemble des
silex mis a jour, et non quelques pieces isolees et choisies\"
There is no such thing in East Anglia as a river gravel in
which the stones have been rolled into pebbles, but there are
plenty of examples of subangular gravels heaped up by the sea.
Over large areas where the sea has had time to reduce all
irregularities the beach deposit is made up entirely of pebbles,
but where a pebble occurs in our river gravels it must have
been introduced into it as a pebble.
On examining the subangular gravels of the terraces or
plateaux the first thing to be noticed is that the whole mass
presents a reddish yellow, mottled appearance owing to the
different colour of the fragments of which it is made up, except
where bands coinciding with water levels have got uniformly
stained by iron oxides. On closer examination the flints are
1 L'Anthropologie, T. xix. 1908, p. 529.
FLINTS
55
seen to differ in size, mode of fracture, and condition of surface,
and do not resemble the flints derived directly from the chalk,
such as are seen in any talus from the Chalk-with-flints or
such as the unweathered flints which are found in the Boulder
Clay. The flints in the gravel are like those seen all over
the surface where they are subjected to fracture and alteration
by blows, or by hygrometric, thermometric, and chemical
change.
The gravels with all their differences of composition and
slratigraphical arrangement are in this respect similar down
to the bottom ; and in fact what we see is that all the yellow
subangular grav^els are arrested surface soils. They are the
winnowings of the superficial deposits which have been shifted
along from time to time in spate and flood, but have never
been rolled in river or sea for a sufficient time to wear out
the characters they acquired when exposed on the surface. It
was when they were on the surface that the lenticular flakes
were torn out ; it was when they were exposed that they had
the hackly fracture given them. These characters could not
be produced in the deep gravel.
In this kind of gravel flint implements are found, and the
implements resemble the other flints in all the characters
indicating weather action on the surface of the ground. Here
we get the answer to a difficult question ; namely, why should
all those primeval folk drop implements of every variety into
a river bed. The answer is, — they did not. The implements were
only swept down with all the other surface debris during storms
of rain. Some were oftener and further moved and got
more of their angles worn down. Some were only just hurried
along and buried once for all.
In this connection it is interesting to note that when a
flint has been long lying on the surface of the ground the upper
exposed side is weathered white, but the lower face which lies
on the soil retains the dark colour of the unweathered flint.
We have specimens from Egypt in the collection presented by
W. Seton-Karr (Pew II.) which illustrate this. They got
broken in two and one half fell one way up and the other
half the other way up. Now that the two pieces have been
56
PROFESSOR HUGHES
joined together half of the surface on each side is dark and
half light.
The importance of this observation for our present enquiry
is that when we find a flint of which one side is whitened and
the other retains the original dark colour we know that it
is a surface flint, even though we find it now buried in gravel.
The surface from which they all came represented an un-
known but vast lapse of time, and the whole period of which we
are speaking was one of vicissitudes of climate and weather
and more or less extensive and important movements of up-
heaval and depression.
Therefore, while we welcome all tentative classifications
founded on the form of flint implements and receive with an
open mind all suggested reference to human agency of forms
which we had always considered natural, we must bear in mind
how very complex the problem is and how many unknown
quantities we are dealing with, and, where proof is impossible,
carefully criticise and balance probabilities.
I have arranged a series to illustrate the distribution of the
various forms of Palaeolithic implements. Pew I., Table Case.
The top row is all from St Acheul.
The first two in the row, following them from left to right,
are flattened pear-shaped. These represent the Chellean.
The third in the row is the flat, pointed implement in which
the edges instead of being concave or reentrant are straight or
bulging, and the broad end is not so thick as in the Chellean.
This is the type known as Acheulian.
The fourth is the oval form of similar thickness at both ends
and uniformly dressed all round the edge (limande).
The fifth is slightly curved to the small end which is thin
and pointed. This type is generally smaller than the third
above mentioned which in other respects it most resembles.
The sixth is the humped-back type which seems to connect
this series with some Neolithic forms.
The seventh is a large flake generally dressed on one side
only. This very obvious suggestion of a useful instrument offered
by a simple natural fracture is in. one way or another, and in
larger or smaller specimens, common throughout every stage..
FLINTS
57
The second roiv is from Mildenhall. From this locality and
the adjoining district I have obtained a very large number-
too large to attempt to display— but which can be seen on
application by any who are interested in the subject. As I
procured these from gravel diggers and found only a few
myself, I have no evidence except that offered by the condition
of the specimens as to their exact provenance. It will be seen
that the selection, arranged in order from left to right, below
that from St Acheul, is almost identical with it.
The third row is from the South coast of England and
exhibits the same varieties of form. Parallel to these are
wave worn specimens of which I found several myself below
the Barton Cliffs.
The fourth row is from India, where though the material
is different the forms are the same, and the fifth row is from
Africa.
If you look along the roius from left to right you will be
struck by the variety of distinct forms from each locality and
then if you run your eye down, along each column from the
top to the bottom you will see that these varieties occur on
every well-known site.
This inclines one to be sceptical as to chronological sequences
based upon such differences unless the varieties have been
found each at one horizon only, in clear sections by competent
observers and in a sufficient number of localities to justify the
inference.
At the end of this series are a number of specimens illus-
trative of various points referred to. Among the most inter-
esting are a thick pear-shaped implement from Egypt and
from'^St Acheul, and one almost exactly like them which was
said to have been found with two others in Dent, i.e. one of the
western dales of Yorkshire.
I may here record that I once found at the bottom of a peat
bog on Widdle Fell a large unworn piece of flint apparently
fresh from the chalk. It was not in the peat but on the
clayey soil in a channel between the masses of peat. This
I left in the museum of the Geological Survey in Jermyn
Street.
58
PROFESSOR HUGHES
Note the speciiTien from Mildenhall of which one side is !
dark the other light, showing that it has been long exposed '
on the surface, and beside it is a broken Egyptian specimen of ':
which one half is dark and the other half which lay the other \
way up has been bleached : also the small selection of flints !
which had fallen on to the beach from the Solent gravel i
capping the Barton Cliff, and had got so rolled in a few hundred
yards that on some of them the traces of dressing are hardly
recognisable.
There are also some specimens with a twist in the edge. It
has been suggested by some that this was intended to facilitate
the grip of the instrument during use, while others have
offered the impossible explanation that it was to give a rotary
motion to the spear to which it was attached.
It seems to me that the explanation is that when you are
dressing an implement it is easier to strike the proximal than
the distal part of the edge, so that unless care be taken to
correct this tendency the right near edge gets more chipped.
Eoliths.
This is a subject which it is exceedingly difficult to treat
satisfactorily except by producing the specimens relied upon as
evidence and pointing out the characters supposed to indicate
human or natural agency.
The examples of reproductions and the actual specimens
from which they were drawn, which I have mentioned above
(see Pew I., Wall Case), will I think convince anyone of the
importance of this caution.
Personal experience and the impressions derived from it
count for a great deal, because there are local differences in the
original conditions of formation which have produced varieties
of form and texture in different localities. An observer who
has gained his experience among the great continuous layers of
tuberous flint in Kent, and the gravels which cover the surface
of the ground there, would be surprised, when he got among the
small flints of Balsham, which are like drawn out and twisted
bits of dough ; while anyone who had worked among the black
FLINTS
59
lints of Brandon, which ancient and modern flint knappers
iave sought as most suitable for their purpose, would hardly
•ealise that he was dealing with the same material when he
'.truck the light coloured mottled flint of more northern areas
ind got among the paramoudras of the Norfolk coast.
Such differences tend to produce different forms among the
flints exposed to the action of natural forces on the surface of
iihe ground, or washed from the surface to form deposits of gravel.
" Palaeolithic " includes all the earlier Stone A.ges about
which we have at present any certain knowledge. But there
has long been an eager scrutiny among deposits of more remote
ages in the hope of discovering some trace of still earlier man
or man's precursor. The material most likely to survive the
waste of ages is the almost insoluble flint; and accordingly
flints that could be easily held in the hand and showed the
scars of blows were collected, and, when a number had been
obtained in which groups having a certain similarity to one
another could be picked out, these were presented as evidence
of intelligence in selection and skill in adaptation and accepted
as types of ethnological and chronoh^gical significance.
These being regarded as the most ancient stone implements
then known were called Palaeotatoliths. But the superlative,
afterwards concealed in the abbreviated form Palaeotaliths, was
felt to impose an undesirable limitation, and Eolith, only a little
less precise in this respect, was adopted and now stands, like
the newest of the five houses on the Cornish coast each called
"The Last House in England."
M. Rutot distinguishes three subdivisions, which he names
after the localities where he obtained the specimens on which
he bases the classification, namely Mervin, Maflle, and ReuteL
He would probably prefer to have them included in the
Palaeolithic bracket.
The term Eolith is convenient enough to indicate briefly that
we are talking about all prepalaeolithic or less clearly defined
stones which have by anybody been attributed to human work-
manship.
These Eoliths are on stratigraphical evidence referred to
different ages extending over a vast range of time. Some are
60
PROFESSOR HUGHES
from the Plateau gravel and Middle Glacial of Searles Wood
some from the Suffolk Bone Bed. The age of the deposits ir<
which they are found is not however the question with which ]
propose to deal now, but only the character of the flints whichl
under the head of Eoliths are referred to the agency of man.
One great difficulty meets us in this enquiry and that isi
that wiiereas an immense number of these Eoliths are figured ^
you can seldom from a figure form a correct idea of the formi
or condition of surface of any such object. In this connections
I would call your attention to the drawings of some examples
from Ightham and the originals from which the drawings were
made. There is one Palaeolith among them (see Pew I., E. Wall
Case).
If Eoliths are, as I believe, only accidental forms naturally
produced by the many forces that are always acting upon surface
flints, they must be of every age and every stage of formation,
and no difficulty arises as to their occurrence in any association.
But, if tiiey are definite types of human work belonging to an
earlier and presumably less advanced civilization, then the
newer Palaeolithic form should not occur in deposits charac-
terised by numerous Eoliths.
It is generally held that Palaeolithic forms never occur in
an undisturbed bed with Eoliths, though they are commonly
found together on the surface or in superficial, or in disturbed
deposits. If they are found together in the same bed, we must
accept one of two hypotheses ; either the Palaeolithic implement
has got into the deposit with the Eoliths by some subsequent
disturbance of the deposit, a question which I have recently
discussed \ or the deposit must be of the age of the newest
object found in it. If we are told that a certain deposit is of
Roman date from the occurrence of coins of Vespasian, etc., in
it, and we afterwards find a coin of Elizabeth in the same un-
disturbed layer, we must assign the deposit to the later date,
and so the stratigraphical evidence for the great antiquity of
that lot of specimens fails.
Referring now to the series which I collected on the Plateau
above Salisbury in company with Mr Blackmore, whose
1 Proc. Roy. Arch. Inst. Vol. xix. p. 205.
FLINTS
61
lourtesy in helping me to appreciate the evidence I take this
)pportiinit;y of acknowledging, I must confess that to my eye
ihese specimens are ordinary subangular flints broken by surface
iccidents of every kind but showing no uniformity in the
iirection, intensity, or apparent object of the blows. I cannot
imagine how flints could lie about on the ground with animals
trampling on them and crushing them against one another ;
with hot sun and moisture and frost contracting, expanding,
bursting them, and in more recent times with agricultural
implements striking against them and knocking them against
one another, without exhibiting traces of the treatment they
had received in fractures of every kind especially along the
thinner parts and the edges likely from the form of the frag-
ment to be most exposed. Moreover they are too common ;
they cover the ground and occur all through thick beds of
gravel. You can obtain them everywhere, not as you might
Palaeolithic or Neolithic implements, one here and one there,
except where w^e are obviously on a station, such as Grimes
Graves, where they were made. These Eoliths you can get by
the cartload.
You can see similar forms, where fresh flints have been shot
in heaps for road making, or if you follow the steam roller or
the cart wheel. You And them battered on every shore,
stained in every gravel pit and weathered all over the surface
of the ground. You could pick up in time a series of almost
any form that fancy might suggest. I long ago invited the
Philosophical Society of Cambridge to consider the evidence
upon which these stones were referred to human agency \
Stone instruments have always been and are still used by
I man. They differ somewhat, but not so much as one might
expect, according to the material available. Obsidian and
I chert have many of the good qualities of flint. Quartzite and
basic igneous rocks are tough and tenacious and have been
! used for many of the rougher classes of implement, but flint is
: the most commonly available in our part of the world, and
practically what we have first to seek is some method of dis-
crimination between those pieces of flint which owe their
1 Canib. Phil. Soc, March 9, 1896.
62
PROFESSOR HUGHES
character to man's handiwork and those which may have heeti\ '''
produced by natural agencies. We ask : i
(1) Is there evidence of design in the treatment of the:|^
specimen ? ■ V
(2) Are there no natural operations producing similar
results ? :
: 1
Flints Naturally Flaked and Chipped on the Norfolk Coast.
It is not only the outline of the stones which is relied upon
as evidence of man's work. It is pointed out that some are \
chipped in such a way as to suggest or prove that these flints }
have been dressed with the intention of producing an instru- \
ment designed for a definite object, and those who question i
this inference are challenged to show similar results due to the \
operations of nature.
I think we can hardly take a more fair example in order to i
bring this question to the test of observation than we get from .
an examination of the action of the waves upon the same type i
of flint upon the corresponding shore at the present day. :
I need not dwell long upon the action of the waves in lift-
ing stones and hurling them against the cliffs and shore. •
Every pebble tells of this ; for if you examine a flint pebble !
closely you will find that it is covered with small bruises, :
indicated by concentric rings, and showing that it is not only i
by the push and drag of the waves rubbing them down that •
they become pebbles, but also by blows hard enough to initiate ■
the bulb of percussion which I have described above.
In storms these pebbles are lifted high into the coil of the
wave so as to be often landed on a promenade or ledge of rock,
or they are dashed against other stones on the shore. All the
stones on a shingly shore show trtices of this battering. No
matter whether nature or man wields the hammer, the results
are the same.
But we are asked what is there on the shore to hold a
piece of flint in the same position as that in which a man
would h(jld it so that it may get chipped along one edge while
FLINTS
63
he rest of the flint is untouched, and then sometinnes shift it
^0 as to expose another edge to the waves.
This can be perfectly well seen along the coast, say from
Sheringham to Trimingham in Norfolk.
First of all there is the shore deposit of mixed gravel
among which angular flints are seen tightly wedged, and these
are found to be chipped along the exposed edge.
Then there is the Cromer Till, a remarkable tough tenacious
sand}^ clay in which there are many angular flints ; and these
• are not infrequently found with an edge exposed, which gets
chipped according to the direction of the principal wave
action.
Besides that there are beds of sand and gravel cemented
hard by iron oxides and full of angular flints. These in like
manner are held as in a vice and presented at various angles
to the impinging pebbles. I exhibit specimens of all of these
(Pew 11. B, d), some with the imbedded and chipped flint in
place.
In our enquiries into the earlier traces of man's handiwork
three questions naturally present themselves :
(1) What is the age of the beds in which the traces are
found ?
(2) Is the chipping certainly contemporary with the
formation of the beds in which the flints are found ?
(3) Is it undoubtedly the work of man?
1. When such good geologists and experienced observers as
Sir Joseph Prestwich and Sir Ray Lankester, to select the two
protagonists, agree in the contention that such remains have
been found in the Plateaux gravels and the Suffolk Bone Bed
respectively, formations to which they have each paid special
attention, one must have very strong proofs to the contrary to
justify scepticism, and I must say that having had considerable
opportunities for forming an opinion on this point, I agree
with them as to the age of the beds, only premising that some
of those beds have undergone disturbances subsequent to their
deposition, which must affect the answer to the second (jues-
tion.
64
PKOFESSOR HUGHES
0'
I
2. This question I have discussed elsewhere^ and I! it
came to the conclusion that the occurrence of Palaeolithic! fi'iS
implements in the Plateau gravel v^as due to the infolding oih 0
the surface soil and of portions of the underlying deposits
owing to the solution of the chalk and chalky drift below
them.
3. The question plainly stated is this. Certain flints occur
in deposits of earlier date than any in which on evidence other
than these flints we have proofs of man's existence. These t||ufl
flints are either suggestive of selection or have a number of
pieces knocked off so as to produce what is regarded as a
serviceable instrument ; and the question is, were these struck
off by man or by some natural process ?
It is to this that I have chiefly tried to lead up in this
communication, referring to collections in the Sedgwick
Museum which illustrate the points referred to.
Mr Reid Moir has long been trying to test this question by
observation and experiment, and has arrived at the conclusion i fli
that nature does not produce the forms in question. I must
however say that I have failed to arrive at the same conclusion,
but find that identical forms are produced under shore condi-
tions which must have been similar to those under which the
Suffolk Bone Bsd was laid down, and I have by imitating
natural processes, produced similar forms.
Guide to the Collection of Flints, etc.
Although the exact position of specimens in a museum like
ours cannot be adhered to for ever, but must necessarily be
modified as additions come in and as new furniture is acquired,
still it will I believe assist those who wish to study the subject
if I explain the arrangement which I have found it possible to
carry out so far.
In Pew II., West Wall Case are the specimens showing the
formation of flint ; above these the specimens illustrating the
fracture of flint and its mode of weathering.
1 Proc. Roy. Arch. Inst. Arch. Journ. Vol. lxix. No. 274 ; 2iid Ser. Vol. xix.
No. 2, pp. 205—214.
FLINTS
65
At the far north end of tliis wall case are natural forms
imilar in outline to some referred to human agency and also a
3ries showing natural chipping similar to that on artificially
iroduced implements.
On the middle of the lowest shelf are the natural forms
imulating figures of men and the lower animals.
The Eoliths are arranged alongside the human bones in
*ew I., East Wall Case. The overflow will be found in the
Irawers below.
Among these we must look for examples of flint which,
,hough apparently naturally produced so far as outline is con-
jerned, are so chipped along the edge as to suggest that they
nay have been used by man (" utilises "). Here also we must seek
examples of what is meant by implements which show evidence
jf chipping at a later time than the first dressing ("retouches").
The Palaeoliths come next the Eoliths, and are continued
"in the drawers at the bottom of the West Wall Case in Pew I.
'Those from the Mildenhall district are placed first because I
have been able to make such a large collection from that part
of the country. Those from the valley of the Somme come
next as being from the first place of note for Palaeolithic
implements, and also because everyone engaged in their study
must first refer to the admirable work of Professor Commont
in that district.
In Pew I. in the east side of the Table Case a selection of
Palaeoliths is arranged to show the recurrence of similar forms
in most of the typical sites. A succession of well-recognised
forms is arranged from left to right, and each row represents a
different locality ; so that running the eye down from top to
bottom we see in each column the best example from each
locality of each type our small collection could furnish. I must
i here repeat the caution I have already given that these are
not obtained in situ in a section but procured from work-
men, and therefore that I have been guided by form alone in
the arrangement of this particular series.
On the other side of the case the series is started again by
a row from the Mildenhall district and carried down through
rows from other localities.
I C.A. S. Comm. Vol. XVIII. 6
66 PROFESSOR HUGHES
Where there is a little space to spare I have placed somi
small series bearing upon the question, as for instance thii
forms intermediate between Palaeolithic and Neolithic from thilj
Fenian d ; and on the other side of the case the stumpy pearl,
shaped implements from Africa, St Acheul, and Yorkshire. \
In Pew II., Table Case west side, the flints from th(j
Palaeolithic caves may be studied. They are placed in rowi!
from right to left, each row representing a cave; while similaij
varieties of form are arranged in columns, so that the recur j
rence of similar forms in different caves can be seen at a glance ■
(see p. 50).
On the other or east side of the Table Case selections o \
local specimens are grouped according to form, with, where*
possible, a geographical arrangement also.
As only two out of the sixteen table cases necessary to[
complete the furniture in the mahogany gallery have yet beenll
supplied, it is impossible to do justice to the collections ; but||
this sketch will help students and others to consult the series*
now described. The sculptured bones and casts from the caves;
are in small glazed oak boxes at the end of the Table Case?
in Pew II. Recent and Neolithic implements and specimens;
of doubtful age are arranged in the drawers in the Wall
Case, east side of Pew II.
SHIPS IN THE CAMBRIDGE LIF^ QF THE CONFESSOR" 67
Ships in The Cambridge "Life of The
Confessor."
By H. H. Brindley, M.A., St John's College.
((Read February 23rd, 1914.)
"La Estoire de Seint Aedward le Rei" (MS. EE. iii. 59) in
]he University Library, Cambridge, is a work written in
jNorman- French and dedicated to Eleanor of Provence, Queen
3f King Henry III. The author is unknown ; he was probably
someone connected with the Abbey of Westminster. The work
3onsists of 33 parchment leaves written in triple columns, and
■3very page except the first has at its head a miniature, usually
jin two compartments. In the centre is a rubrick description of
'the miniature in verse. The miniatures were drawn by the
author, and the work may be dated c. 1245. These notes are
itaken from Luard's " Lives of Edward the Confessor," published
jin 1858, in w^hich the text and a translation are printed. The
'miniatures have never been reproduced, with the exception of
one which illustrates the "History" in Luard's work. These
beautifully drawn pictures are thus not generally known, and I
may be permitted to bring to the notice of the Society those
which illustrate ships and boats. These are ten in number, but
one of them is almost entirely defaced and so is not reproduced.
In previous communications I have laid stress on the great
difficulties which face the nautical archaeologist in respect of
, many features in both hull and rigging of mediaeval ships ;
nothing in the nature of a treatise on ship building appeared
till the close of the sixteenth century, while the representations
! of ships on seals and coins, in painted glass, carvings and
i miniatures show how frequently the artists had very scanty or
inaccurate knowledge of ships, for they obviously left out much
68
H. H. BRINDLEY
that is essential to the working of a ship and they also intro^
duced unworkable features. When we have inventories tt
refer to it is not always possible to understand the items given!
and it is often impossible to reconcile an inventory with a vessei
of the kind to which it appears to refer. It is only by comparing ;
all the kinds of information available that we can attempt
reconstruction of the craft in use during the Middle Ages, anc
the outcome is no more than provisional. "i
We know, however, that down to the early decades of thrj
fifteenth century the "ship" in common use in northerrJ
waters was a comparatively simple vessel fitted with one masi ,
bearing a single sail spread by a yard. (Mediterranean crafr
had their own evolution; in complexity of construction and'
rigging they were in advance of those of Northern Europe'
during the Middle Ages.) But there is much that remains
uncertain as regards details, and so the ten drawings of " ships ' ;
and boats in the Cambridge Life of the Confessor are of value -i
for comparison with other representations of the time. This isi
more the case because the pictures are executed so carefully,
that we have some right to conclude that the artist did hisi
best to represent faithfully sailing vessels as known to him. ;
That he drew the figures of crew and passengers much too large
is, of course, the common disregard of proportion of his day, .
when the persons on board were individually important. It is '
of interest to note that in mediaeval seals bearing ships the .
figures of the crew as such are nearly always in proportion, but 1
when a personage such as a saint, bishop, or king is embarked
he is a giant figure grotesquely over-weighting his vessel.
The ships in the "Life" do not show anything in the
features of hull and rigging previously unknown to us from
contemporary work, but they form a useful comparison there-
with in regard to details, and thus assist us towards conclusions
as to thirteenth century practice. In the following notes the
miniatures are taken in their order in the MS., the pagination
is that of Luard's edition, the numbers in brackets being those
written in pencil by Bradshaw, subsequently to Luard's
examination. Unless stated otherwise, all other representations
quoted for comparison are thirteenth century work.
SHIPS IN THE CAMBRIDGE "LIFE OF THE CONFESSOR" 69
Mill. XT. p. 12 (8 v). St Edward sails for England. In
his picture we see the principal personages on board in the
)Ositions conventional in a time when the voyagers were drawn
nuch too large in proportion to their vessel : the steersman,
vho is as usual the only hooded figure, takes up much space aft
.he mast, and the passenger for whom the voyage is made is in
ihe bows, while the less important members of the ship's
jompany are crowded amidships. Besides other MSS., the
sainted glass of the cathedrals of the lie de France gives us
nany examples of this treatment of the subject. St Edward's
'^hip is of the form familiar to us in representations of the
^entury : though the sheer is fair, the extreme crescent-like
orm of hull left to us by artists of the succeeding two centuries
.s barely foreshadowed, as the rise is almost confined to actual
bow and stern. The construction is presumably clincher,
though the outlines of the planks are single and so do not show
the overlapping, but in some miniatures this is clearly indicated
by shading or double lines. It is in any case unlikely that vessels
,as early as the thirteenth century were often built carvel fashion,
i.e., with the planks flush. It will be noticed in this and in
.the other vessels in the MS. the planking is not continued to the
extreme ends, which are wide timbers uprising from the keel
.just as in the Gokstad and other "Viking ships" of a century
'or more earlier. But if we look at the ships in the Bayeux
Tapestry and many other examples down to the fourteenth
century we see the planking carried to the extreme ends and
therefore hiding the bow and stern timbers to which it is
bolted. It is only as ships became larger and the bow became
well differentiated from the stern that we always see a
] heavy stem projecting well forward of the planking. But
' throughout the intermediate centuries examples of the latter
do occur, so it is possible that two methods of constructing bow
^ and stern may have been in vogue side by side. The bow-piece
I in St Edward's ship is carved as a beast's head, an early fashion
which seems to be dying out in the thirteenth century, for
examples are not very common (Bodleian Apocalypse [Auct. D.
' 4. 17], Bibliotheque Nationale Apocalypse [MS. Fran^nxis 408],
which are both English work; seals of Bergen, Dublin and
70 H. H. BRINDLEY |
Liibeck ; glass of Auxerre Cathedral). The "mike" or crutch! 1
at the stern, to which the backstay is made fast, is a fitting
of the century. The only later examples I have found of a i
mike on the actual bow or stern are in the 1341 seal of Calais
(but this may have been copied from the seal of 1228), and
MS. Latin No. 19 in the Rylands Library, which is a mid- 1
fourteenth century Flemish Apocalypse (here again the boat]
was probably copied from an earlier MS.). The present day j
mike is mounted on a short spar fitted in the deck and its use ji
is not for making ropes fast but keeping a lowered mast in |
position — such a mike we see in many modern fishing craft, f
and .1 have illustrated a sixteenth century mike of the same ]
kind from the glass of Auppegard Church, Normandy, in the j
Society's Proceedings, xv, 1912, p. 118. I,
I am indebted to Mr Geoffrey Callender of the Royal [
Naval College, Osborne, for the sketch (here reproduced on
Plate VI) of the bow of Jonah's ship in " Becket's Crown " in 1|
Canterbury Cathedral. In this the forestay is led to the mike ;
and the fall of the rope is coiled round it. In The Con- ;
fessor's ship the backstay is led to the mike and there is a i
suggestion of a coil being hidden by the steersman's hood. The
forestay runs to the carved beast's head, the horns of which
look as if they might serve as a mike, though it is not clear j
how the stay is made fast. A coil of rope thrown over bow i
or stern is another feature of thirteenth century pictures, thus |
in all three ships in the Bodleian and Paris Apocalypses the |
stern carries a mike, and in two of them a coil of rope is thrown j
over it, though this coil is not the fall of a stay as it is in the !
Canterbury ship. In view of the connection between Canter-
bury and Sens it is of interest to notice that the coil thrown
over bow or stern occurs four times in the six ships in the |
twelfth and thirteenth century glass of Sens Cathedral. There |
is, however, nothing that looks like a mike in the Sens pictures. '
In the Roll of St Guthlac (B.M., MS. Harl. Y. 6) the fore and
back stays of the vessel in which the Saint is voyaging to
Crowland are made fast round stem and stern pieces by half-
hitches, but there is a short loose end instead of a coil. It
seems to have been usual to set up the fore and back stays
SHIPS IN THE CAMBRIDGE "LIFE OF THE CONFESSOR" 71
by takiug turns round the head and stern : two of the ships
in Min. LVI of the " Life " are possibly examples of this
practice.
The bowsprit is of the same form as in the miniatures of
St John sailing to Patmos in the Bodleian and Paris Apoca-
lypses and in the seals of Great Yarmouth, San Sebastian and
I Wismar. These are among the earliest representations of this
' spar, which seems to have arisen, at least in northern waters,
for carrying a grapnel (probably for making fast to an enemy),
' the slack line from the bowsprit end, which is shown in all the
' above examples, being perhaps the grapnel outhaul. That
the early bowsprit thus had the function of the cathead of
later times is, however, an inference only from pictures of the
fifteenth century, in which we see the grapnel in position. It
is curious, however, that if the bowsprit did begin as a grapnel
support, the latter is not represented in the early pictures.
Examples of short bowsprits without any ropes leading to them
are found in coins, seals and miniatures of the thirteenth and
fourteenth centuries, and in the former we find the earliest
instances, e.g., the seal of Elbing, 1242, of the inboard end of
the bowsprit used instead of the stem as a make-fast for the
forestay. The limits of this paper forbid further discussion of
the subject, it can merely be said that we do not know why the
bowsprit was often so long when its only obvious use was to
take the forestay near its foot, and that the line running from
its head to the hull shown in the six instances mentioned above
remains unexplained. The early bowsprit had nothing to do
with carrying canvas, for it was only in the latter half of the
fifteenth century that sprit sails came in. In St Edward's ship
the thin lines round the stem are continued round the bowsprit
and the arrangement is clearly a make-fast for the spar. We
see it also in the seal of Great Yarmouth already referred to,
and in the two examples we thus have a very early representa-
tion of "gammoning."
The steering oar of St Edward's ship is shown on its proper
or "starboard" side, and is kept in position by a ring which is
almost always represented in thirteenth century pictures. The
steersman is handling the oar by a tiller apparently lashed to
72
H. H. BRINDLEY
its inboard end. In Min. XXII the tiller is passed through
the inboard end of the oar.
We see a similar tiller in the Bodleian and Paris Apocalypses
(St John sailing to Patmos). The steering oar is much more
commonly shown in thirteenth century representations than
a rudder, though the latter was certainly fitted sometimes ;
the ship on the font of Winchester Cathedral, which is Low
Countries work of the twelfth century, and the seals of Elbing
(1242), Stavoren (1246), Wismar (1256), Harderwijk (1280)
and Danzig (1299) show rudders with tiller much as a
modern barge carries. When the rudder generally replaced the
steering oar we do not know, but the presence of the latter in
English and French seals of the thirteenth and fourteenth
centuries contrasted with the rudder shown in fifteen Dutch
and German seals of the same period suggests that the rudder
was in general use in the Baltic and the estuaries of the great
North Sea rivers earlier than in the Channel.
The parrell or sliding collar by which the yard is kept home
to the mast is shown as a ring of rope, leather or perhaps iron.
It is always of this simple form in thirteenth century repre-
sentations, as may be seen in the glass of Auxerre, Boiirges and
Sens Cathedrals as well as in English miniatures. It seems
that the neckace of wooden " ribs " and " trucks " which formed
the more easily running parrell of later times, i.e., certainly
before the end of the fifteenth century, had not been devised in
the thirteenth. Halyards seem to have puzzled the artist, for
he gives us the choice of six ropes, besides the back stay, aft of
the mast. The seaman facing the steersman is apparently
getting up the sail, evidently not set fully, by hauling on two
of these ropes. The other ropes are probably the result of
ignorance, and the artist tells that. he was himself no seaman
by his omission of lifts and braces, though he shows the latter
in two subsequent pictures. The sail is laced to the yard as we
nearly always see it in contemporary representations.
The other miniatures may be dealt with more briefly than
that of St Edward's Voyage, as they show details in the
same way.
Min. XII, p. 13 (9). St Edward landing in England is
Cmb. Ant. Soc. Vol. XVIII
Plate II, p. 72
Mm. XII,
Camb. Ant. Soc. Vol. XVIII
Plate III
I\[in. XVIII.
SHIPS IN THE CAMBRIDGE "LIFE OF THE CONFESSOR" 73
I received by the Barons : on the right, his Coronation. Only
! the forward half of the ship is seen. The sail is loosely furled
to the yard. The forestay is made fast round the stem-piece
j instead of, as in Min. XI, to the carved beast's head. Three
' stays or other ropes lead down from mast to gunwale. The
bowsprit of Min. XI is absent, and the gammoning is replaced
j by an ornamental band round the stem-piece, a fitting which
j is also seen in Min. XIX. This band is a very common feature
i of both bow and stern from the Bayeux Tapestry to the
I pictures of Matthew Paris. In certain cases these bands look
' like turns of rope, in others they are flat and may be collars of
, metal or even only ornamental painted bands. It is possible
that their common origin was a seizing of rope by which
the planking was strengthened where it ran up into the
bow and stern pieces, and if this supposition is correct we
seem to have the forerunner of the much discussed " stem-
ropes " which appear first in the gold noble of King Edward III
and recur on the coinage, seals and painted glass to the close
, of the sixteenth century. Tlie subject has been dealt with at
j length in The Mariner s Mii^ror (Journal of the Society for
: Nautical Research) in various issues from 1911 onwards. The
hooded steersman is in Min. XII using a quant either to hold
up his vessel or to push her off from the beach, as is the pilot
in the Bodleian and Paris Apocalypses after the disembarca-
tion at Patmos. We see a similar quant in Min. XXII and in
the hands of Tadwin in the Roll of St Guthlac.
j Mins. XVIII, p. 19 (12) and XIX, p. 20 (12 v). The Drown-
i ing of the King of Denmark. In the first of the miniatures
depicting this event as seen by St Edward in a vision, the
King is falling overboard from a small boat by which, as the
description says, he was about to board his ship. Of the latter
we are shown the stern with its aft or somercastle." This is
, the light temporary structure fitted only when the ship was
sailing for war, and it is drawn here much as we see it on many
seals and in Matthew Paris's pictures : fore and aft castles had
i not yet become permanent structures built into the hull. In
1 both pictures mikes are shown and on one are slung the
knights' shields. In Min. XIX the sail (its braces are shown)
74
H. H. BRINDLEY
is being got up, and the description tells us that the ship sailed
away at once on the loss of the King. In Min. XVIII a priest
is saying Mass at Westminster before St Edward (whose figure
is not shown in the photograph) and in Min. XIX the latter
is seen relating his vision.
Min. XXII, p. 23 (14). The two Bishops sail for Rome.
As in Min. XI the principal personages are in the bow, but
there is some excuse for Luard's error (op. cit.) of stating that
they are in the stern. The embattled gunwale in front of the
bishops -suggests an aft-castle, while the other end of the vessel
is bowlike, but the bowsprit, the action of the man with the
quant and the steersman and his oar show which end is which.
We again see a stern mike, and it is this time used to carry
the stern anchor, its cable, and a bundle of what seem to be
spears. The ornament under the bow is very curious. The
forestay leads to the stem head but no backstay is shown.
The details of the mast, yard and sail are much as in Min. XI
and XIX, braces are shown.
The man vigorously rowing a small boat reminds us so much
of the seaman in a boat who is getting up the anchor of
St John's ship in the Bodleian and Paris Apocalypses that this
part of the picture may well be a copy or the original of the
other. A curious error in the Bishops picture is the omission
of half a second small boat just on the further side of the
steering oar.
Min. XXIX, p. 30 (17 v) : St Peter embarks in the fisher-
man's boat to cross the Thames to Westminster (the fisherman
is defaced). Min. XXX, p. 31 (18) : this is quite defaced and
is not reproduced here ; Luard regards it as St Peter landing
from the boat and the consecration of the Church. Min. XXXI,
p. 32 (18 v): St Peter again in the boat, the fisherman (again
defaced) hauling in his net; the Church; and the fisherman
presenting the salmon to Bishop Mellitus.
In these three miniatures a small mastless boat is drawn,
her build is that usually drawn in the thirteenth century when
a " cock " is represented, and it will be noticed that it is really
the "ship's" hull reduced. The probability is that in this
age there was no great difference in general design between
C'mb. Ant. Soc. Vol. XVIII
Plate IV, p. 74
l'
t
[
]
I
I
Camb. Ant. Soc. Vol. XVIII
Plate V, p.
Mill. LYI.
Camb. Ant. Soc. Vol. XVIII
Plate VI,
Jonah's Ship, glass in "Becket's Crown," Canterbury Cathedral,
early XIII. century.
SHIPS IN THE CAMBRIDGE "LIFE OF THE CONFESSOR" 75
large and small craft, thougli we must take into account the
possible tendency of an artist ignorant of ships to make matters
easier by magnifying a " cock " when he wished to show us a
" ship." At the same time we have to remember that in the
thirteenth centur}^ there were several, if not many, well defined
types of vessels, but no attempt can be made in these notes to
decide what kind of " ship" the larger craft in the " Life" should
be called. We find in the MSS. of the time " cogs," " round
ships," "long ships," "sornakes" and many other designations,
but though we gather from the context something of their
respective uses we are almost wholly in the dark with regard
to the differences of build and rig which distinguished them.
The conventional disproportion of passengers to their ship
forbids any assistance from the artist towards an interpretation
of contemporary records. We must be content to call the
larger craft in St Edward's Life "ships." The oars of such a
boat as the Thorney fisherman's no doubt worked in thole pins
and these are shown in the Paris Apocalypse. The spiked
fishing gaff alongside the anchor is interesting.
Min. LVI, p. 57 (31). The landing of Tosti and the defeat
of the Earl of Northumberland. This picture shows very little
of Tosti's ships. We see the forcstay of the nearest one made
fast to the stem, and the next has a hook over the gunwale by
which apparently the landing ladder is kept in position.
Min. LXII, p. 63 (34). The Landing of William of
Normandy and his stumbling. Unfortunately the picture is
almost destroyed, and it is reproduced here only because it
must originally have shown the fleet in some detail. The
nearest ship is apparently of the usual pattern, and at least
three others lie behind her; two of them have their bows
carved as animal's heads, and we can see " stem-bands " on all.
The usual parrell is shown in front of the furled sail of the
nearest ship. It will be noticed that though the artist has
drawn all his ships alike, he has distinguished between their
purposes by surmounting St Edward's and the Bishops' ships'
mastheads with a cross and those of Tosti's and Count William's
ships with a spear head, while he has painted a cross on the
sail of the Bishops' ship.
INDEX
Abrahams, I., Les Neuf Preux, or the
Nine Worthies 10
Accounts 6
AUemagne, H. E. d', Keproduction of
Dubois cards at Paris by 21-24
Amiens, gravel pits near 53
Apocalypse, Bibliotheque Nationale
and Bodleian, ships in 69-74
Archaeological Societies, Congress of 4
Associate Members 1
Auppegard Church, ship on glass of 70
Aurignacian flakes 49
Australasia, implements from 43
Auxerre Cathedral, ships on glass in
72
Avebury, Lord 45
Balsham, fluted flints around 31
Barnwell Priory, repairs 4
Barton Cliff 57, 58
Barton, Tertiary beds of 35
Bayeux Tapestry, ships in the 69, 73
Beniere, Nicolas and Eobert, card-
makers 16, 17, 20, 21, 22, 24
Benton, G. Montagu, certain carvings
in Saffron Walden Church 11
Bergen seal, ship on 69
Bibliotheque Nationale, Playing cards
in 19
Blackmore, Mr 60
Bodet, Nic, cardmaker 23
Borneo, North British, Dusuns of 52
Boucher de Perthes, M. , discovery of
palaeolithic implements in the
Valley of the Somme by 36
Bourges, ship on glass at 72
Bowerbank 29
Bradshaw, Henry 68
Brandon flints 32, 59
"Pygmy" flints found near 52
Bricket, Stephen, cardmaker 17
Brindley, H. H., Ships in the Cam-
bridge "Life of the Confessor" 67
Bronze Age 44
Buckland, Dr 32
Burkitt, Miles 47
Burwell Fen 44
Bushe-Fox, J. B., Excavations of the
Koman city at Wroxeter 12
Calais seal, ship on 70
Callender, Geoffrey 70
Cambridge flint 32
Playing cards found in wains-
coating of a house in 15
Cards see under Playing cards
Charlemagne, representation of, on
playing cards 23, 24
Chelles 53, 56
Christ's College, cards found on the
reconstruction of the Master's Lodge
15
Cissbury, flint workings of 46, 47
Coccinopora globularis 37
Commont, Professor 50, 53, 54, 65
Communications 1912-13, 2
Cromer Till 63
Danzig seal, ship on 72
Denmark, drowning of the King of
73
Dent 57
"Devil's Toe Nail," fossil 37
Dog, flint resembling 37
Dublin seal, ship on 69
Dubois, Ch., cardmaker 20, 21, 24
Eagle, flint resembling 37
East Anglian flint 32, 35, 54
Edward the Confessor, Ships in the
Cambridge "Life of the Confessor"
67
St Edward's ship 69-73, 75
Elbing seal, bowsprit of ship on 71,
72
Eleanor of Provence, dedication to 67
Elephas antiquus 53
primogenius 53
Evans, Sir John 36, 42, 48, 51, 52
Excavation, grant by the Council 4
Fletcher, W. M., More old playing
cards found in Cambridge 14
Flint, formation of 29 ; fracture of 33 ;
weathering of 34 ; constitution of
35 ; flint implements 36 ; figure
forms 36 ; chipped and flaked flints
39 ; forgeries 40 ; recent flints 43 ;
Neolithic 45 ; transition from Palaeo-
INDEX
77
lithic to Neolithic 46 ; Palaeolithic
caves 47 ; Palaeolithic river drift
52 ; Eoliths 58 ; naturally flaked
flints on Norfolk coast 62 ; guide
to Collection in Sedgwick Museum
64
France, South of, Palaeolithic caves
48
(Gardner, Arthur, Sculpture of the
Gothic Eenaissance in Italy 10
IGatty, Eev. E. 52 note
' Greeuwell, Cauou 46 note
• Grimes Graves flints 46, 47
^ Guthlac, St, ship of 70, 73
Hall, H. E., Discovery and excavation
of the Temple of Mentu-Hotep 12
, Hamlet 39
Harder wijk seal, ship on 72
Hill, WiHiam 35 Jiote
, Honorary members 2
Horne, DomEthelbert, Ancient scratch
^ dials on English Churches 11
Hughes, T. McKenny, Flints 26
He de France, painted glass in the
Cathedrals of 69
Iugleborough,"Monghton Whetstones"
under 38
Irving, Eev. A., Genesis of flint 30
Japan, arrow heads from 43
John Ey lands Library, ship in MS.
in 70
Jonah's ship 70
; Jones, T. Eupert 29
Judd, Professor 29, 38
Karsten, Dr Eafael, Social customs of
the Chaco Indians of S. America 9
Kent flint 31
' Kepa^pia \Ldo$ 44
1 King, C. W. 44 note
Lacroix, Playing cards at Paris de-
scribed by 20, 21
i Lake Dwellings 44
! La Madelaine 49, 50
Lankester, Sir E. Eay 63
.. Laugerie 49, 50
Lee, A. E., Wrought iron gates of the
17th and 18th centuries in Cambridge
and elsewhere 10
Le Moustier, cave deposit 49, 51
Les Eyzies 50
{ Linton, excursion to 3 ; antiquities of 4
'[ Litlington, excursion to 4
Lourdes 50
Low Country playing cards 18
Luard, H. E. 67, 74
Liibeck seal, ship on 70
Lyell, Sir C. 32, 48
Magdalenian flakes 49
Marechal, Pierre, cardmaker 16, 17
Mellitus, Bp 74
Members, 2, 3
Merlin, Paris playing cards figm^ed by
23
Mildenhall flint 58, 65
Moir, Eeid 64
"Monghton Whetstones" 38
"Neptune's Cup" 31
Neville, Lady Dorothy, Playing cards
used as Visiting cards 19
New Members 1, 5
Newton, Sir Isaac, Playing card used
as Visiting card by 19 note
Newton, W. M. 38 note
Norfolk flints 40
stone bed 39
Norman origin of English Playing
cards 17
Normandv export tax on Playing cards
17
North America, arrowheads from 43
North American Indians 43
Northamptonshire ironstone 38
Northumberland, defeat of the Earl of
75
Objects exhibited 12
Officers elected 13
Orde, William, of Trinity College 18, 19
Palmer, Dr W. M., Antiquities of
Linton 4
"Paramoudras," origin of name 32
Paris, Matthew 73
Pavia, battle of 22
Peter, St, boat 74
Petrie, W. M. Flinders, Incoming of
the Dynastic Egyptians 9
"Pharaoh's heart'' 37
Pitt-Eivers, General 46, 47
Playing cards, found in Cambridge 14 ;
books on the history of 15 ; Norman
design 15 ; Pre-Kestoration 15 ;
Norman origin of 17 ; Normandy
export tax on 17 ; used as Visiting
Cards 19; names of historical and
legendary persons on 20
Pliocene beds 40
Prestwich, Professor 48, 63
Prior, E. S., Stone of Mediaeval
building 10
Publications 1912-13, 3
"Pygmy flints" 52
78
INDEX
Quentel, Peter 23 note
Bead, Sir Ch. Hercules 45
Red Crag 39, 40
Report 1912-13, 1
Rhinoceros merckii 53
tichorhinus 53
Roth, Georges, Le Roi Soleil 11
Rouen cardmakers 16, 17, 22, 23, 24 ;
export of the Cards 24 ; reduction of
duty on 24
Royston Cave 4
Rutot, A. 54, 59
Saffron Walden, Certain carvings in
church 11
St Acheul 47, 49, 53, 56, 57
San Sebastian seal, ship on 71
Searle, Rev. W. G., death of 1
Sedgwick Museum, flints exhibited at
28, 37, 46, 64
Sens cathedral, ships in glass of 70, 72
Seton-Karr, W. 55
Shakespearean Playing cards 15
Sheep, flint resembling 37
Sheringham, flint formation near 31
Ships in the Cambridge "Life of the
Confessor" 67
Smith, Toulmin 29
Smyrna, flint flakes from 51
Soho, Dean Street, Playing cards used
as Visiting cards found in 19 note
Somme, Valley of the, flints from 36,
65
Sorde 50
South Sea Islanders 44
Stavoren seal, ship on 72
Stokes, Rev. H. P. , Cambridge outside
Barnwell Gate 12
Stripy 52, 53
Suffolk Bone bed 39, 63, 64
Tosti, landing of 75
Trinity College, Elizabethan Playing
cards found in 14
Trinity College Library, flagstones
under 30
"Viking ships" 69
Visiting Cards, Playing cards used as
19 note
Vumier, Jehan, cardmaker 24
Walker, Rev. F. G., resignation of
Secretaryship by 1; Playing cards
in possession of 19
Widdle Fell 57
William the Conqueror, landing of 75
Willshire, Dr, cards dated by 21, 22
Winchester Cathedral, ship on font
of 72
Wismar seal, ship on 71, 72
Wood, Searles 60
Wroxeter, excavation of Roman city
at 12
Yarmouth, Great, ship on seal of 71
Yorkshire flint 32
Yorkshire Wolds, arrow heads from
43
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CONTENTS
OF PROCEEDINGS, No. LXYI.
Vol. XYIII. (New Series, Vol. XII.)
PAGE
Report of the Council, 1912-13 1
Summary of Accounts for the year 1912 6
Ordinary Meetings ivith Communications : —
Flints. Prof. T. McKenny Hughes, M.A., F.R.S., F.S.A. ... 9
The Incoming of the Dynastic Egyptians. Prof. W. M. Flinders
Petrib, F.R.S., F.S.A., F.B.A. (n. p.) 9
Social Customs of the Chaco Indians of South America. Rafael
Karsten, Ph.D. Helsingfors. (n. p.) . . . . . . 9
Les Neuf Preux, or The Nine Worthies, as illustrated in Mediaeval Books
and Pictures. I. Abrahams, M.A. (n. p.) 10
The Stone of Mediaeval Building. Prof. E. S. Prior, M.A., F.S.A. ,
A.R.A. (n. p.) .10
The Sculpture of the Gothic Renaissance in Italy. Arthur Gardner,
M.A., F.S.A. (n. p.) 10
Wrought Iron Gates of the 17th and 18th Centuries in Cambridge and
elsewhere. A. E. Lee, M.A. (n, p.) . . . . . . 10
Le Roi Soleil : la Vie a la Cour de Louis XIV. Georges Roth, Agr^g6
de rUniversit^ de Paris, (n. p.) 11
Ancient Scratch Dials on English Churches. The Rev. Dom Ethelbert
HoRNE, O.S.B. (n. p.) 1]
Ships in the Cambridge "Life of the Confessor." H. H. Brindley, M.A. 11
Certain Carvings in SaSron Walden Church. The Rev. G. Montagu
Benton, B.A. (See footnote.) 11
The Discovery and Excavation of the Temple of Mentu-Hotep at Der-el-
Bahri. H. R. Hall, M. A., F.S.A. (h. p.) 12
Excavations of the Roman City at Wroxeter in 1913. J. B. Bushe-Fox,
M.A. (n. p.) 12
Cambridge outside Barnwell Gate. The Rev. H. P. Stokes, M.A.,
F.S.A. (to be printed in the 8vo Publications) . . . . . 12
Officers elected for 1914—1915 13
Printed Papers: —
More Old Playing Cards found in Cambridge. W. M. Fletcher, M.D.,
Sc.D 14
Flints. Prof. T. McKenny Hughes, M.A., F.R.S., F.S.A. ... 26
Ships in the Cambridge " Life of the Confessor." H. H. Brindley, M.A. 67
n. p. means that the Communication has not been printed in full.
PEOCEEDINGS
OF THE
Camijrtlige Antiquarian ^omtp,
26 October 1914—24 May 1915
WITH
Communications
MADE TO THE SOCIETY
Michaelmas Term, 1914, and
Lent and Easter Terms 1915.
No. LXYII.
being the nineteenth volume.
(Thibteenth Volume of the New Series.)
ODambnlige :
DEIGHTON, bell & CO. ; BOWES & BOWES.
LONDON : G. BELL AND SONS, LTD.
1915
Price 7s. 6d. net.
CAMBRIDGE ANTIQUARIAN SOCIETY.
RECENT PUBLICATIONS.
[A Complete Catalogue can be had on application.]
Proceedings, 1912-13. Michaelmas Term. With Communica-
tions, No. LXIV. pp. 1 — 70. Plates I — IV and other illustrations.
-5*. net.
Coulton, G. G., M.A. Some marks and inscriptions in Mediaeval Churches
(to be printed later). Hope, W. H. St John, Litt.D., The practical study
of Heraldry (n. p.). Landtmann, C, Ph.D., The Eehgious beliefs and
practices of the Kiwai- speaking Papuans (n. p.). Ogilvie, F. F., Kecent
discoveries at the Great Pyramids (n. p.). Palmer, W. M., M.D., The
Reformation of the Cambridge Corporation, July 1662 (to be printed later).
Petrie, Prof. W. M. Flinders, D.C.L., F.B.A., A Cemetery of the 1st
Dynasty (n. p.). Bivers, W. H, R., M.D., F.R.S., The disappearance of
Useful Arts (n. p.). Walker, Rev. F. G., M.A., Roman Pottery Kilns at
Horningsea, Cambs. Report for year 1911-12.
Proceedings, 1912-13. Lent and Easter Terms. With Com-
munications, No. LXV. pp. 71 — 156. Plate V and other illustra-
tions. Price 5s. net.
Abrahams, I., M.A., The Decalogue in Art (n. p.). Bansall, W. H., M.A.
(M.B. Edin.), Ely Cathedral (n. p.). Barnes, Very Rev. Monsignor, M.A.,
The Knights of Malta (n. p.). Benton, Rev. G. Montagu, B.A., A Damask
Linen Cloth woven with Sacred Designs and dated 1631. Brindley, H. H.,
M.A., Mediaeval and Sixteenth Century Ships in English Churches.
Bushe-Fox, J. B., Excavations on the Site of the Roman City at Wroxeter
in 1912 (n. p.). Duckworth, W. L. H., M.D., Sc.D., Gibraltar in Historic
and Prehistoric Times (n. p.). Fletcher, W. M., M.D., Sc.D., More Old
Playing Cards found in Cambridge (to be printed later). Forster, R. H.,
M.A., Excavations at Corstopitum during 1912 (n. p.). Ridgeway, Prof. W.
Sc.D., F.B.A., The Image that fell down from Jupiter (n. p.). Valentine-
Richards, Rev. A. v., M.A., The History of the Foundress' Cup of Christ's
College (n. p.).
Proceedings, 1913-14. Michaelmas, Lent and Easter Terms.
With Communications, No. LXYI. pp. 1—78. Plates I— VI.
Price 7s. 6c?. net.
Abrahams, I., M.A., Les Neuf Preux, or the Nine Worthies (n. p.).
Benton, Rev. G. Montagu, B.A., Certain Carvings in Saffron Walden
Church (n. p.). Brindley, H. H., M. A., Ships in the Cambridge " Life of
the Confessor." Bushe-Fox, J. P., M.A,, Excavations of the Roman City
at Wroxeter in 1913 (n. p.). Fletcher, W. M., M.D., Sc.D., More Old
Playing Cards found in Cambridge. Gardner, Arthur, M.A., F.S.A.,
Sculpture of the Gothic Renaissance in Italy (n. p.). Hall, H. R., M.A.,
F.S.A., Discovery and Excavation of the Temple of Mentu-hotep at D^r-el-
Bahri (n. p.). Home, Rev. Dom Ethelbert, O.S.B., Ancient Scratch Dials
on English Churches (n. p.). Hughes, Prof. T. McK., M.A., F.R.S.,
F.S.A., Flints. Karsten, Rafael, Ph.D., Social Customs of the Chaco
Indians in S. America (n. p.). Lee, A. E., M.A., Wrought Iron Gates of
the 17th and 18th Centuries in Cambridge and elsewhere (n. p.). Petrie,
Prof. W. M. Flinders, M.A., F.R.S., F.S.A., F.B.A., The Incoming of tlie
Dynastic Egyptians (n. p.). Prior, Prof. E. S., M.A., F.S.A., A.R.A., The
Stone of Mediaeval Building (n. p.). Roth, Georges (Agreg6 de FUniversite
de Paris), Le Roi Soleil : la Vie a la Cour de Louis XIV (n. p.). Stokes,
Rev. H. P., M.A., F.S.A., Cambridge outside Barnwell Gate (to be printed
in the 8 vo publications). Report for the year 1912-13.
n. p. means that the Communication has not been printed in full.
1
PEOCEEDINGS
OF THE
Cambn'ilffe antiquanan ^nmtp;
WJTH
COMMUNICATIONS MADE TO THE SOCIETY
26 OCTOBER, 1914—24 MAY, 1915.
REPORT OF THE COUNCIL, 1913-14.
Thirteen new Members and two Associate Members have
been elected. Twenty-nine Members and Associates have
resigned or lapsed, and eight Members have been lost by death.
Oar Society now numbers 14 Honorary, 385 Ordinary, and
31 Associate Members, making a total of 430.
Among those removed by death wsls Mr Alderman Kett,
who was formerly an active member of the Society. He acted
several times as Auditor, and his artistic skill was often in
request for the illustration of the Proceedings.
The Council regrets to have to record the resignation of
the Excursion Secretaryship by Mr J. Archibald Venn, and
desires to express its high appreciation of the services which
he rendered in that office, his excellent arrangements and his
business capacity.
As an acknowledgment of the gratitude of the Society to
its late Secretary, the Rev. F. G. Walker, a sum amounting to
£52. 7s. was subscribed by many members, and was forwarded
to Mr Walker in December last.
Fourteen meetings have been held. The attendance at
Prof. Flinders Petrie's lecture was about 375 ; at the other
meetings the average attendance was 59.
C. A. S. Comm. Vol. XIX. 1
2
CAMBRIDGE ANTIQUARIAN SOCIETY
The following communications were made :
Abrahams, I., "Les Neuf Preux or The Nine Worthies."
Nov. 17, 1913.
Benton, Eev. G. Montagu, "Certain Carvings in Saffron Walden
Church." Feb. 23, 1914.
Brindley, H. H., " Ships in the Cambridge Life of the Con-
fessorr Feb. 23, 1914.
Bushe-Fox, J. P., " Excavations of the Roman city at Wroxeter
in 1913." May 11, 1914.
Gardner, Arthur, F.S.A., "The Sculpture of the Gothic Re-
naissance in Italy." Jan. 26, 1914.
Hall, H. R., F.S.A., ''The Discovery and Excavation of the
Temple of Mentu-hotep at Der-el-Bahri." May 4, 1914.
Horne, Rev. Dom Ethelbert, "Ancient Scratch Dials on English
Churches." Feb. 16, 1914.
Hughes, Prof T. McKenny, F.R.S., " Flints." Oct. 27, 1913.
Karsten, Dr Rafael, " Social Customs of the Chaco Indians in
South America." Nov. 10, 1913.
Lee, A. E., "Wrought Iron Gates of the 17th and 18th
Centuries in Cambridge and elsewhere." Feb. 2, 1914.
Petrie, Prof. W. M. Flinders, F.R.S., F.S.A., F.B.A., "The
Incoming of the Dynastic Egyptians." Nov. 3, 1913.
Prior, Prof E. S., " The Stone of Mediaeval Building."
Nov. 24, 1913.
Roth, Georges (Agrege de FUniversite de Paris), " Le Roi Soleil :
la Vie a la Cour de Louis XIV." Feb. 9, 1914.
Stokes, Rev. H. P., LL.D., F.S.A., " Cambridge outside Barn-
well Gate." May 25, 1914.
No. LXV of the Society's Proceedings and Communications,
Lent and Easter Terms, 1913, has been published. Th'e Vetus
Liber Archidiaconi Eliensis, edited by the Rev. Dr Feltoe, is
now in the press, and its publication may be expected shortly.
On Thursday afternoon the 12th of March, by kind per-
mission of the respective authorities, a party of the Society's
members visited Peterhouse, the Church of St Mary the Less,
and Pembroke College. The Members assembled at Peter-
house, where the Rev. Dr Walker kindly gave an account of
ANNUAL REPORT
3
the College buildiDgs. The Rev. A. J. C. Allen kindly received
the party in his church and explained its history. Special
attention was given to the scratch sundial at the S.W. corner
of the church : this had been discovered by the Rev. W.
Greenwood, as a result of the interest aroused by the lecture
on scratch dials recently given to the Society by the Rev. Dom
Ethelbert Horne.
Afterwards the party was met at Pembroke College by ihe
President of the Society, and was conducted over the College
by him. The College plate, manuscripts, and Gray autographs
were on view, and by the hospitality of the Master and Fellows
the visitors were entertained to tea.
On Thursday afternoon the 4th of June, by the kind
invitation of our late President, W. B. Redfern, Esq., J.P., D.L.,
and Mrs Redfern, a party of Members visited Milton Hall.
Mr Redfern's magnificent collections of armour, weapons and
objects of domestic and personal use were exhibited, including
the authenticated gloves of King Charles I and Oliver Cromwell
and others of the Stuart Period, keys, historic weapons, medals
and other antiquities. The house has features of the R. and
J. Adam period ; and the grounds and gardens with their many
choice trees, shrubs, bamboo clumps, &c., were open to members.
The Church of All Saints, which contains much of interest,
was kindly shown and described by the Rector, the Rev. Canon
G. W. Evans. The house once occupied by Cole, the antiquary,
was also seen.
Mr and Mrs Redfern very kindly provided tea and refresh-
ments on the lawn.
An Excursion was made to Balsham, Hildersham and
Abington on Thursday the 16th of July, under the leader-
ship of Dr Palmer and the President. A motor omnibus
left the Senate House at 2 p.m., arriving at Balsham at 2.45.
The Rector, the Rev. H. J. E. Burrell, described the fine
church, with its notable brasses, good rood-loft, screen, and
stalls with misericords, also Tudor tombs in the churchyard.
Two scratch dials were noted on a buttress of the S. aisle.
Some members visited the remains of fish ponds near the site
of the former palace of the Bishops of Ely.
1—2
4
CAMBRIDGE ANTIQUARIAN SOCIETY
In driving from Balsham to Hildersham the party crossed
the Wool or Worsted Street, and passed near the Furze Hill?,
well known for rare plants. The Rector of Hildersham, the
Rev. P. R. Phillips, gave an account of the church, which con-
tains brasses of an unusual type, belonging to the Paris family,
and two wooden effigies, a rare form of monument.
At Great Abington Lodge Mrs Mortlock very kindly provided
tea ; and both the garden and the choice articles of furniture in
the house were of great interest to the visitors. After tea
the two churches were visited by invitation of the Vicar, the
Rev. F. B. B. Whittington. The Saxon work in Little Abington
church was specially noticed.
The weather being brilliantly clear, the views from the
hills in the course of the drive were seen to great advantage.
The remains of the Roman Villa at Litlington were excavated
during several weeks in the spring, under the direction of
Mr Charles W. Long, A.R.I.B.A., and with the co-operation of
Mr McLaren, on whose farm the remains are mostly situated;
also with kind permission of Mr Percy Foster the land-owner,
and of Christ's College which owns the adjoining land. Apart
from the bath, which had been discovered in 1913, the build-
ings, though extensive, had been so thoroughly demolished that
little remained but their foundations. Fragments of pottery
were found, as usual on Roman sites.
The balance sheet, showing the Society's financial position
at the end of 1913, is published at the end of this Report.
The expenditure on the excavations will appear in next year's
balance sheet.
The thanks of the Society are presented to the following
gentlemen for gifts as mentioned :
Sir Herbert George Fordham, D.L., for his work " Hertford-
shire Maps."
E. M. Beloe, Esq., F.S.A., for Reprint of Nicholas Murford's
" Fragmenta Poetica," 1650.
Robert Scott, Esq. (successor to Mr Elliot Stock), for The
Antiquary.
The Society of Architects, for the Society's Journal.
ANNUAL REPORT
5
NEW MEMBERS ELECTED 1918-14.
1913. Oct. 20. Lancelot Harold Luddington, M.A.
Nov. 10. Miss Daisy Campbell.
Arthur Blyth.
Reginald J. Tollit.
Xov. 24. Alexander Gordon Wynch Murray, M.A.
1914. Jan. 26. Eobert Edward Jacobs.
Hugh Scott, M.A.
Feb. 9. William Briggs, LL.D., D.C.L., B.Sc.
Mansfield Duval Forbes
Walter Morley Fletcher, M.D., Sc.D.
Feb. 23. Noel Teulon Porter.
May 11. Miss Evelyn Annie Pratt.
Arthur Tuffield.
ASSOCIATE MEMBERS.
1913. Oct. 20.
1914. Feb. 23.
George Henry Garstin Anderson.
Mrs Beeban Mary Porter.
6
CAMBRIDGE ANTIQUARIAN SOCIETY
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9
ORDINARY MEETINGS.
Monday, 26 October, 1914.
Mr E. H. Minns, President, in the Chair.
Professor W. M. Flinders Petrie, F.R.S., F.S.A., F.B.A.,
gave a lecture, illustrated with lantern slides, on
The Treasure of Lahun.
Not printed.
Monday, 2 November, 1914.
Mr E. H. Minns, President, in the Chair.
Samuel Gardner, Esq., gave a lecture, illustrated with
lantern slides, on
Misericords and Bestiaries.
Not printed.
Monday, 9 November, 1914.
Mr E. H. Minns, President, in the Chair.
Francis P. Marchant, Esq., gave a lecture, illustrated
with lantern slides, on
Bohemia and its People.
Not printed.
10 ORDINARY MEETINGS |
Monday, 16 November, 1914. |
Mr E. H. Minns, President, in the Chair. |
F. F. Ogilvie, Esq., Hon. Sec. of the American Egypt
Exploration Fund, gave a lecture, illustrated with pictures
and lantern slides, on
Philae : A Sacrifice to Utilitarianism.
Not printed.
1
j
- I
Monday, 28 November, 1914.
Mr E. H. Minns, President, in the Chair.
F. St John Bullen, Esq., M.R.C.S., read a paper, illustrated
with lantern slides, on
The Churches of Lincolnshire.
Not printed.
Monday, 30 November, 1914.
Mr E. H. Minns, President, in the Chair.
The Report of the Council for 1913-1914, was adopted.
Prof. T. McK. Hughes, M.A., F.R.S., F.S.A., read a paper
(printed at page 16), on
Some Recent Excavations at the King's Ditch.
The objects found in excavating were exhibited.
J. R. Wardale, M.A., read a paper (printed at page 28),
on
The Maker of the Iron Gates at Clare College.
ORDINARY MEETINGS 11
Monday, 1 Februaiy, 1915.
Mr E. H. Minns, Presideut, in the Chair.
Miss Catherine E. Parsons read a paper on
Cambridgeshire Witchcraft.
Printed at page 31.
Monday, 8 February, 1915.
Mr E. H. Minns, President, in the Chair.
R H. Edleston, M.A., F.S.A., F.R.G.S., sent a paper, read
by proxy, on
The Monumental Brasses of Spain.
The paper was illustrated with three rubbings of brasses in
Spain.
Printed at page 50.
G. G. Coulton, M.A., read a paper, illustrated with lantern
slides, on
Some more Drawings and Scribbles from
Medieval Bltildings.
Printed at p. 53.
Monday, 15 February, 1915.
Mr E. H. Minns, President, in the Chair.
J. Sinclair Holden, M.D., exhibited and described a
collection of
Palaeolithic Figure-Stones from the Stour
Valley at Sudbury.
Not printed.
12 ORDINARY MEETINGS
Prof. T. McK. Hughes, M.A., F.R.S., F.S.A., read a paper,
illustrated with specimens of pottery, on
Acoustic Vases in Ancient Buildings.
Printed at page 63.
Monday, 1 March, 1914.
Mr E. H. Minns, President, in the Chair.
E. J. Dent, M.A., Mus.Bac, gave a lecture on
English Musical Drama during the
Commonwealth.
The lecture was illustrated with a performance of several
scenes from James Shirley's masque " Cupid and Death," with
music by Matthew Locke and Christopher Gibbons. The
original MS. is in the British Museum, and Mr Dent had
copied it with his own hand, filling in the instrumental accom-
paniments in those parts where they were only indicated by a
figured bass. The extracts from the play were rendered in
costume, but without scenery ; and the performers consisted of
soloists, chorus, and orchestra of strings and piano.
Not printed.
Monday, 8 March, 1915.
Mr E. H. Minns, President, in the Chair.
E. C. Quiggin, M.A., gave a lecture, illustrated with lantern
views, on
The High Places of Ireland.
Not printed.
ORDINARY MEETINGS
13
Monday, 3 May, 1915.
Mr E. H. Minns, President, in the Chair.
M. C. BURKITT, B.A., gave a lecture, illustrated with
tracings, photographs, and lantern slides, on
Rock-Engravings in Russia, and the Scandinavian
Series of Drawings.
Not printed.
Monday, 10 May, 1915.
Mr E. H. Minns, President, in the Chair.
Aymer Vallance, M.A., F.S.A., gave a lecture, illustrated
with lantern photographs, on
The Cathedral of Reims.
Not printed.
Monday, 17 May, 1915.
Mr E. H. Minns, President, in the Chair.
The Rev. H. P. Stokes, LL.D., F.S.A., read papers, illustra-
ted with lantern slides and old prints, on the following subjects;
(1) Wayside Crosses in Cambridge.
(2) Cambridge Bell-men.
To be printed later.
SEVENTY-FIFTH ANNUAL GENERAL MEETING.
Monday, 24 May, 1915.
Mr E. H. Minns, President, in the Chair.
The Officers of the Society were elected for the ensuing
year. (See list on next page.)
Many objects of antiquarian interest were exhibited and
described by several members of the Society. (Open Meeting.)
14
OFFICERS FOR 1915-1916,
Elected 24 May, 1915.
PRESIDENT. '
Harold Hulme Brindley, M.A., St John's College.
VICE-PRESIDENT.
Thomas McKenny Hughes, M.A., F.R.S., F.S.A., Clare College,
Woodwardian Professor.
MEMBERS OF COUNCIL.
Alderman W. P. Spalding, J. P.
Ellis Hovell Minns, M.A., Pembroke College.
Hugh Scott, M.A., Trinity College.
Mansfield Duval Forbes, M.A., Clare College.
TREASURER.
Herbert Flack Bird, 30, Panton Street.
SECRETARY AND EDITOR OF PUBLICATIONS.
Frank James Allen, M.D., St John's College. 8, Halifax Road.
Excursion Secretary.
Mansfield Duval Forbes, M.A., Clare College,
For complete list of officers, see next page.
15
LIST OF OFFICERS, 1915-1916.
PRESIDENT.
Harold Hulme Brindley, M.A., St John's College.
VICE-PRESIDENTS.
Rev. Henry Paine Stokes, LL.D., F.S.A., Corpus Christi College.
AViLLiAM Ridgeway, Sc.D., F.B.A., Gonville and Caius College,
Disney Professor of Archaeology.
Thomas McKenny Hughes, M.A., F.R.S., F.S.A., Clare College,
Woodivardian Professor.
ORDINARY MEMBERS OF COUNCIL.
George Gordon Coulton, M.A., St Catharine's College.
William Mortlock Palmer, M.D., Linton, Gambs.
William Beales Redfern, D.L., J.P., Milton Hall, Canibs.
Arthur Gray, M.A., Master of Jesus College.
John Venn, Sc.D., F.R.S., F.S.A., Gonville and Caius College.
Edward Schroeder Prior, M.A., F.S.A., A.R.A., Gonville and
Caius College, Slade Professor.
Alfred Cort Haddon, Sc.D., F.R.S., Christ's College.
Wynfrid Laurence Henry Duckworth, M.D., Sc.D., Jesus
College.
Alderman W. P, Spalding, J. P.
Ellis Hovell Minns, M.A., Pembroke College.
Hugh Scott, M.A., Trinity College.
Mansfield Duval Forbes, M.A., Clare College.
TREASURER.
Herbert Flack Bird, 30, Pantoyl Street.
SECRETARY AND EDITOR OF PUBLICATIONS.
Frank James Allen, M.D., St John's College. 8, Halifax Road.
Auditors.
James Bennet Peace, M.A., Emmanuel College.
George Brimley Bowes, M.A., Emmanuel College.
Excursion Secretary.
Mansfield Duval Forbes, M.A., Clare College.
16
PROFESSOR HUGHES
On SOME Objects found in the King's Ditch under
THE Masonic Hall.
By Professor T. M^Kenny Hughes, M.A., F.R.S, F.S.A.
(Read November 30, 1914.)
When we examine the plans of fortified towns in such a
country as the Netherlands, for instance, we cannot fail to be
struck by the great number of watercourses and ditches, natural
and artificial, by which they are surrounded and intersected.
The towns were often built on the banks of a river so as to
command an important ford or bridge, sometimes in a loop of
the river so as to be almost surrounded by it. Old channels
and artificial cuts or lodes, facilitated the carriage of goods to
the town and even up to hithes and wharves within it, and
smaller ditches separated and protected properties and provided
drainage. Old plans of Ghent and Sas van Ghent, of Brisac and
Fort Louis on the Rhine, of Strasburg, Arras, and Valenciennes
show the use made of water boundaries.
Cambridge was a town in a low country and on a maeandering
river, so that it was not difficult to turn water into it from the
river above it and let it out again below the town. There were
spurs and outliers of gravel and, in the depressions between
these, ditches were easily dug around all dry sites suitable for
building on. The ditches in the Backs are examples of
enclosing w^ater-boundaries taken sometimes along still recog-
nisable old river courses, as behind Queens' and St John's, and
modified and straightened, or even joined by new cuts, as
behind King's, Clare, Trinity Hall and Trinity.
I have already 1 drawn attention to the occurrence of
numerous ditches in Cambridge within that commonly called
the King's Ditch and referred to the time of Henry III. But
all that he did was to order that the great Ditch of the Town
1 Proc. Camb. Ant. Soc, Vol. viii, Jan. 25, 1892, p. 32; ib. Oct. 23, 1893,
p. 255; ib. Feb. 1897 ; Vol. ix, 1898, p. 370.
SOME OBJECTS FOUND IN THE KING'S DITCH
17
slionld be cleaned and the associated watercourses should be
reopened, which implies that they were in existence before his
time. Moreover we read that King John commanded the
Barons- of tlie Exchequer to allow the Bailiffs of Cambridge
the costs they had incurred in enclosing the town, which, in
the absence of any evidence of walls or fortifications, we may
safel}^ iufer was by means of a moat or ditch.
Within this enclosing ditch there must have been many
pre-existing moats and drains around monastic, municipal, and
private buildings. Before the town had grown to its present
size, with the inevitable accompaniment of over-crowded
buildings covering the central parts, converted watercourses
and artificial ditches prevailed everywhere, and, where there
was no access to these, cesspools and rubbish pits took their
place for sanitary purposes. We find all these wherever ex-
cavations are carried on in the older part of the town, but from
the nature of the case the remains found in them are of all
ages from the time when they were first opened to the time
when they were finally closed.
Most of these old ditches have long been filled up and built
over, though some were still open within the memory of man.
But every now and then in the course of cutting drains, digging
foundations and similar operations we are given opportunities
of collecting all the odds and ends buried in the mud which
accumulated in them. From these we can learn much of the
domestic life of Cambridge from soon after the Conquest to the
present day.
In the first-named communication (footnote, p. 16) I gave
a reproduction of Lynes' plan of the ditch in 1572 and of a
portion of the ordnance map showing the position of the
principal ditches, and pointed out that the King's Ditch was
taken along ground that lent itself to the work, because it was
low and for part of its course was the natural outfall of the
water issuing from the gravel beds on the east of the town.
In those earlier papers I have also given such full descrip-
tions and illustrations of the objects discovered that it is not
necessary to do more now than refer to them in such terms as
will enable anyone to examine the types.
C.A.S. Comm. Vol. XIX. 2
18
PROFESSOR HUGHES
There are however generally some new points of interest
and objects of new type in every new excavation.
The ditches were nearer to the houses in one place than in
another and were cleaned out oftener in one place than another
and the class of building was different on different sites.
Therefore we find different kinds of things in different ditches
and different parts of the same ditch, and we cannot expect to
find and we do not find everywhere exactly the same succession
of objects to which we can assign a date.
Our difficulties are increased by the fact that, when these
ditches were cleaned out, the mud was spread over the margin,
especially where there were gardens, and the infilling began
anew. There are therefore near these ditches layers containing
all sorts of mediaeval objects, those first thrown out being of
course the newest. They are however generally mixed and
confused and often the succession is reversed, while many a
fragment lying on the surface or dug out in earlier times is
thrown into the ditch in later times. Experience however
soon teaches us to detect these sources of error.
I have already^ described the gradual extension of the area
available for building and the dispersal of objects over the
sites.
We must bear these cautions in mind when we are examining
any part of the King's Ditch, as this appears to have been the
principal outfall for all the ditches in the ancient town. The
first precise mention we have of it is, as shown above, that
Henry III ordered it to be cleaned. We have another in the
Cambridge Town Treasurer's Accounts for 1515 (?)^ where there
is mention of " The costs and charges of the Klensyng of the
Kyngs ditche in Cambrigge and the ditche by Pembroke Halle
and other ditches belongyng to the Towne." It is also described
as " the ditche ageinst Pembrokehale."
This is especially interesting in examining the portion now
brought under the notice of the Society, as this is within a
stone's throw of Pembroke and explains what struck us in ex-
amining the excavation, namely, that it appeared to have been
1 Proc. Camb. Ant. Soc, Vol. xi, p. 393.
2 Bowtell MS., Dowuing Coll.
SOME OBJECTS FOUND IN THE KING'S DITCH
19
diipf into more than once and never to have been completely
cloarod out to the bottom.
The portion of the ditch now described was exposed in
dio;ging the foundations for the Masonic Hall extension in the
earh' part of 1914.
I take the opportunity of acknowledging the courtesy of
the Architect, j\Ir Macalister, and the builders, Messrs Negus,
and their foreman in giving me every opportunity for observing
and collecting.
The site is on the east of Slaughter, or Slaughter House,
Lane, and the portion of the ditch exposed is in immediate
continuation of that which we have already had opportunities
of examining as it crossed the old Physic Garden. Buildings
had not encroached upon the area through which the ditch
here ran until quite late times, as shown by the recent character
of the foundations exposed in the excavation, and here or
hereabouts it must have received the body of water still
running out of Do^vning Grounds but recently diverted further
and further west by the erection of large buildings over that
area.
A deep ditch was found under the north-west corner of the
Archaeological Museum. It was between eleven and twelve
feet in depth and the same in width and was filled with black
mud in which were bones of horses and other domestic animals.
In fact it was very like the King's Ditch in every respect ; and
along its continuation, that is along some watercourse that ran
from the Downing Grounds, I take it the King's Ditch was
carried. When we follow the King's Ditch beyond the area
thickly covered with houses where it was straightened, as is
clearly shown in Lynes' plan, it winds about like a natural
stream, confirming the suggestion that the artificial ditch cut
through a bank from the King's Mill to Pembroke College, and
beyond that was taken along low marshy ground with a stream
running through it from Pascal Close (Downing) to the river.
In wet weather the water used to rise through tlie gravel
and I have often seen a small lake on the west side of Downing
Grounds beyond where the School of Agriculture now stands.
The last place where I saw 4 large body of water flowing north
2—2
20
PROFESSOR HUGHES
out of that area was at a depth of more than 12 feet under
the School of Chemistry, immediately west of the entrance
archway.
It seems pretty clear that there was a constant supply of
water running into the King's Ditch from these sources, and
also exceptional means of flushing it by turning in a larger
body of water from the Nine Wells and from the river at
Grantchester and Newnham.
I exhibit specimens of current sorted material and fresh-
water shells from the ditch. The oysters, mussels and cockles
were obviously thrown in with the household rubbish.
There do not seem to have been any buildings of importance
near that part of the ditch from which the remains to which
I now call your attention could have been procured. The
Augustinian Friary was some distance off on the west and
north, and there did not appear to be any accumulation sug-
gestive of a slaughter-house ; indeed I do not know what could
remain in such a case, as the solid parts of the animals
slaughtered would be carried away to be consumed elsewhere.
There were however some things in connection with the
relative numbers and characters of the bones which require
explanation. There was an extraordinary number of horses'
heads, considering the small area from which they were pro-
cured. I counted over thirty heads. I examined the more
perfect to see whether I could detect how they were killed but
only in one case could I find anything to make it probable
that they had been poll-axed ; and we are left to suggest that
they were bled to death, as animals intended for food should
be. As I have often pointed out before, all the excavations
I have seen force the inference upon me that horses were
commonly used for food down to quite recent times: their
bones were broken in just the same way as those of oxen and
sheep, and were scattered in the kitchen refuse just as they
were.
There was very little variety in the breed. They all
belonged to a small fine-boned breed with a small muzzle, and
seemed to me to resemble in size and form the small Normandy
horses now improved almost off the face of the earth by being
SOME OBJECTS FOUND IN THE KING'S DITCH
21
crossed with larger animals chiefly for military purposes. They
were quite unlike the strong cart-horse of to-day.
They bear however a close resemblance to some of the small
breeds found in the alluvium of our district, and I exhibit one
from 15 feet down in the alluvium near Ely which bears
this out.
They were generally young healthy animals.
There are however among the bones some vertebrae
anchylosed and covered deep with osseous overgrowth, whether
traumatic or rheumatic I leave to others to decide.
In the Sedgwick Museum I have a similarly diseased bone
which I exhibited to the Society on a former occasion, and
which then so greatly interested Sir George Humphry. Near
it may be seen the paddle of a Plesiosaurus which had been
affected in the same way. One ox also had suffered from disease
or injury as shown by the exostosis which covers the bone.
The remains of ox are less numerous than those of horse,
and all belong to that mixed and unstable breed which was
originally the result of the cross of the small native short-horn
with the larger animal with up-turned horns brought over by
the Romans.
In later times they were locally modified by the large and
long-horned breeds introduced from Sleswig-Holstein and
elsewhere on the continent.
Oxen were in those days more commonly used for draft
and general agricultural work, and in quite recent times the
best beef was supposed to be that of oxen which had been
worked up to the age of five years or so.
There were a few dogs thrown in, most of them of a powerful
breed like a mastiff, and one or two of a small breed with a
protuberant brow like a King Charles' Spaniel, only larger.
The sheep were almost all horned and of the same size and
type as the cross-breeds now seen in the north and west of the
island.
As they are found with kitchen rubbish we are of course
not likely to find the remains of old animals, and therefore have
no example of the horns of a full grown ram.
We often find the sheep's heads split indicating that they
22
PROFESSOR HUGHES
had provided that very tasty dish " Sheep's head," as we
know it.
But in this case the heads were whole with the horns sawn
off, which suggests a different method of dressing. In this the
head was cooked in its skin, the wool being first clipped and
then singed off, as is done in feathering a duck. I cannot help
connecting the common occurrence of small shears with kitchen
rubbish to this process (see p. 26).
We learn from Walter Scott ^ that this method of dressing
a sheep's head prevailed in Scotland long after it had been
given up in Cambridge.
When Bailie Jarvie invites Frank Osbaldistone "to come
back and take part o' his family-chack " where " there wad be
a leg o' mutton, and it might be a tup's head, for they were in
season." The delicacy however as there cooked was not so
highly appreciated by the Bailie's guests as might have been
expected, for we read that " Mr J arvie presided with great glee
and hospitality, compelling however Owen and myself to do
rather more justice to the Scottish dainties with which his
board was charged, than was quite agreeable to our southern
palates. I escaped pretty well, from having those habits of
society which enable one to elude this species of well-meant
persecution. But it was ridiculous enough to see Owen, whose
ideas of politeness were more rigorous and formal, and who was
willing in all acts of lawful compliance, to evince his respect
for the friend of the firm, eating, with rueful complaisance,
mouthful after mouthful of singed wool, and pronouncing it
excellent in a tone in which disgust almost overpowered
civility.'' And further on in the encounter at the clachan of
Aberfoil, when Bailie Jarvie defended himself with a red hot
coulter used as a poker and burned the plaid of the Highlander
opposed to him, he exclaims, " figh, she smells like a singit
sheep's head." And we get a further insight into the process
where Rob Roy exclaims, "The curse of Cromwell on me, if
I wad hae wished better sport than to see Cousin Nicol Jarvie
singe Inverach's plaid, like a sheep's head between a pair of
^ Bob Roy, Chapters xxiv, xxvi, xxxiv.
SOME OBJECTS FOUND IN THE KING's DITCH
23
tongs," tup's head and sheep's head being apparently in-
differently used.
There was not a large quantity of pottery, but what was
found was of diverse age and character. There was very little
that could be referred to a date so remote as thirteenth or
fourteenth century, and there were none of the globose vessels
in dark grey earthenware with the rim strongly bent back and,
as I have already pointed out, otherwise modified and showing
every stage in the gradual change from the Roman type\
If this part of the ditch ran through cultivated land such
as gardens or allotments it might well be that then as now the
cleanings of ditches, not only close by but further afield also,
were carried on to the area to raise and enrich the soil, and
thus objects of much greater antiquity and belonging to
different conditions might be picked off the beds and thrown
into the ditch. We shall see by and by other reasons for
suspecting this.
Of later earthenware there were many fragments, but little
that could be restored. It all seemed as if it had been much
knocked about and the pieces far separated.
There are numerous fragments of the rough crock or pot
which had the round base, due to sagging, cured by a pinch
given to the margin here and there or even a sort of calkin
added to it, and there are the more finished well-baked vessels
in which the pinched base seems to have been unnecessary
for use but was continued by way of ornament.
There are fragments of various cooking utensils, stewing
pots on feet, frying pans, and chafing dishes, all of earthenware.
Of table ware there was a larger assortment. Jugs and
mugs of black or brown glazed ware often with a yellow slip
pattern ; a good many tall, two handled, drinking vessels and
some small three handled cups (tigs). Some larger vessels
show clearly the development of the rose pattern which was
originally merely a method of attaching separate pieces such
as spouts or handles or stands, by pinching them on. The
hollow cylinders seen attached to some were merely a lightened
1 "The early Potters' Art in Bvitsiiii,'^ ArcliaeologicalJournuI, Vol. lix, 15)02,
No. 235, p. 219.
24
PROFESSOR HUGHES
handle and not intended for use as a spout, and some do not
run through into the interior of the vessel.
One short hollow stand in red earthenware with the bottom
of the upper compartment knocked out may have been a salt-
cellar or a lamp.
There is a great variety of white, blue, yellow, combed,
splashed, and spotted, stone ware. Some resembles crackly
china perhaps only in the case of vessels kept on or by the fire.
It is interesting to see the persistence of the old wheel-
with-spokes stamp on some of the coarse red earthen glazed
pottery of quite the more recent types, as also on the brass
plate.
The most curious piece I have found is a fragment of a large
vessel in grey coarse ware with a number of stems of tobacco
pipes lying side by side in it obliquely to the rim, as if intended
to hold it up while being fired. The stems resemble those of
the pipes found here and there in the upper part of the deposits,
and do not any of them appear to be earlier than the second
half of the seventeenth century. (Plate I.)
There is a considerable quantity of Cologne ware or grey-
beards.
There are many small pieces of stained glass, mostly having
the colour brushed on and burnt in, but some few bits being
whole-coloured glass. If this was far from any buildings of
importance it confirms the suggestion that rubbish from other
areas was laid on the ground and fragments of all kinds picked
off the land and thrown into the ditch — the nearest probable
source being the Augustinian Monastery or the Church of
St Bene t.
Some look as if the window had been destroyed by fire.
A large number of bits of thin greenish window glass were
iridescent and opaque owing to the destruction of the surface
by ammonia and other alkalis. One larger piece of similar glass
was preserved by having the centre of the spinning disk in it.
There is a globular green glass flask and some old fashioned
wine bottles with the base projecting a little beyond the sides.
Some bits of coloured glass vessels occur scattered through
the earth.
Camb. Ant. Soc. Vol. XIX
Plate I, p. 24
Fragment of Earthenware with Tobacco-pipe Stems imbedded.
I
j
i
I
Camb. Ant. Soc. Vol. XIX
Plate II, p. 25
Half-size Diagram of Binding by Garrett Godfrey, and Koll (full size) ^^^^^^B
decorating the same, the latter reproduced by kind permission ^^H^^^H
of the author from Mr G. J. Gray's "The Earlier Cambridge ■HhHH
Stationers," PL xxvi. No. iii.
The roll is thus described by Mr Gray, p. 37 :
"Roll III, of four compartments: a turreted gateway, a fleur-de-lys, a pome-
granate, a Tudor rose, each surmounted by a royal crown, in canopied compart-
ments, while the binder's initials G. G. are in a small panel between the rose and
the turreted gateway," The gateway is the castle of Castile, the pomegranate the
personal badge of Catharine of Aragon.
The disposition of the ornament is not quite like any other example of Godfrey's
work. The other fragmentary binding was very similar, but the outer frame was, as it
were, mitred instead of the fillets running straight through. The leather of both was
originally black. E. H. M.
SOME OBJECTS FOUND IN THE KING's DlTCfl
25
Of leather objects there is a large quantity, chiefly boots
and shoes in which the threads have entirely perished, so that
the pieces of leather have fallen apart and show the holes made
by the stitches.
There is a considerable difference in form and size, some
being small and pointed, others broad and rounded. I have on
a former occasion gone very fully into this question \ so I will
not dwell upon it any longer now, except to notice a curious
form in which a sole having much the form of a flat-iron but
with the margin turned up all round suggests that the sole
was thickened by the inclusion of something between tw^o
pieces of leather, perhaps wood, forming a leather-covered clog.
One example of a short leather gaiter was found.
But perhaps the most interesting things found in this
part of the ditch were two book covers (Plate II, reproduced
from a drawing by our President), one nearly perfect, the
other only a small fragment. In the case of the shoes every-
thing but the leather has perished, and therefore we could
not expect the paper and stitching to have survived in the
book if it had been thrown in whole, but there is reason
for suspecting that these leather covers were torn off and used
for some other purpose because, as pointed out by Mr Murray
of the Trinity Library, the margin of even the larger specimen
has been cut off as if to make it fit a different object, so that
some of the edge which would have been turned over within
the cover is gone. The tooling on the leather has been identified
by the Librarian and Mr Sayle, as well as by Mr Murray, and
the trade mark (two G's and an arrow) of Garrett Godfrey has
been recognized in the rolls. The date must therefore be
somewhere between 1503 and 1539, and is probably about
1525 to 1530. Of course they may have been thrown in at
any subsequent period, but they were found in the lowest black
clay in which the oldest of the other objects occurred.
I shall place them in the University Library.
Among the metal objects are two white metal spoons of
which the handles are in both cases broken off. Mr Redfern
refers these to the seventeenth century.
1 Proc. Camh. Ant. Soc, Vol. viii, Oct. 23, 1893, p. 275.
26
PROFESSOR HUGHES
There are a few instruments, such as pot-hooks and hangers
and various fragments of iron ; a carving knife, and a smaller
one with a wooden handle, also a very small one with a notched
back, and a small clasp knife; a crushed metal handle, perhaps
of a large fork, and one blade of a pair of shears. It is not at
all uncommon to find shears in ancient household rubbish in
Cambridge, but it is not likely that they indicate sheep shearing
as an ordinary agricultural operation. They are often — I may
say generally — of smaller size than those used for sheep shearing,
and were probably used in some kitchen operation, perhaps the
preparation of the sheep's head referred to above, p. 22, by
clipping the more prominent wool before singeing. There is
one old key; a bronze brooch-like ornament and a bone lace-
bobbin.
There is a brass plate with repousse star-shaped ornament.
The most curious point about it is its gold colour which made
me take it to the Chemical Laboratory where I was assured
that it was only a copper alloy.
Other odds and ends of some interest are the small broken
hone, apparently as much used for pointing skewers and forks
as for sharpening knives; a brick 1| inches thick; fragments
of tiles perforated for attachment, and of a sandstone flag.
Some flints showing little trace of surface weathering and a
glacially striated block of hard chalk, suggest transport from
a considerable distance.
The point of an oak pile carries us back to the time when
the ditch was being encroached upon, or perhaps to the still
earlier period when a footbridge was thrown across the water-
course which became the ditch. The outside rough plank first
sawn off the tree trunk msiy belong to the same time. A piece
of a handmill of Niedermendig lava suggests much but tells
little, and the piece of chalk with a hole in it much like that
produced by a gate-post, still sometimes seen, swinging on a
supporting stone.
Now to make a guess at the age of the deposit. The
buildings extending over the edge of the ditch do not appear
to be more than a century or a century and a half old, while
the ditch itself, if it is part of the boundary made by the Town
SOME OBJECTS FOUND IN THE KING's DITCH
27
Bailifts in the time of King John, gives the twelfth century as
a back limit.
The red earthenware glazed pans have been in use for a
long time. Let us refer those in the ditch to the eighteenth
century.
The tobacco pipes, the painted stone ware, the Cologne
ware, and the thin bricks may belong to the second half of the
seventeenth century.
The book covers are early sixteenth century.
The glass may belong to the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries
and the shoes to about the same time.
The slip ware, tigs and drinking cups to the fifteenth
century, and the oldest of the knives to the same.
But thei-e is none of the ware and other objects which
I found in Petty Cury and thereabouts, and which I referred to
the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries.
28
J. R. WARDALE
The Maker of the Iron Gates at Clare College.
By J. R. Wardale, M.A., Clare College.
(Read November 30, 1914.)
The earlier buildings of Clare College ran level with the
street at the East end of the Chapel. When the present East
range was erected in 1638, the original East range was of
course removed as soon as practicable, but a wall along the
street was still left standing with a temporary Porter's Lodge
(see Cole's sketch) at the East end of the old Chapel, which
occupied practically the same site as the present one. This
Lodge is alluded to in the Building Account Book (p. 93) in
1656 as "the Low Chamber at the East end of the Chapel
where the Porter now lodges."
In 1673 this old street wall was pulled down, and prepa-
rations were made for a new (viz. the present) entrance. On
April 22 Robert Grumbold was paid £25 for worke about ye
Pillars next ye streete," and, on January 24, 1674, £4. Is. 4c?.
was paid for " timber for ye streete gate."
The original gate, then, was of wood ; the other gates, at
the bridge and at the end of the avenue, were of the same
material. They had been, of course, required as soon as the
bridge was completed in 1638. On March 4, 1638, Richard
Chamberlayne received £60 " in pt of a bargaine for the gates
and bridges into and out of K. Coll. But Close," and on
February 20, 1640, Francis Wright was paid 155. "for hewing
of timber and maken a gate in ye Fields." Loggan's print
(about 1689) shows clearly the old wooden gate on the West
side of the bridge.
That fifty years later they required to be renew^ed need not
surprise us : on December 9, 1691, William Newlin was paid
£8. 55. 4c?. " for Timber and work for ye new Gate &c."
THE MAKER OF THE IRON GATES AT CLARE COLLEGE 29
The practice of erecting iron gates of artistic design, how-
ever, came in soon after this time and Clare before long
followed the new fashion.
In the Building Account Book (p. 205) occurs the following
entry :
Warren (blacksmith) March 6, 1713 and
I May 7, 1714 in full for the Iron gate next
the fields £35. 0. 0.
The gate next the fields is, of course, the somewhat plain
gate at the head of the avenue.
The two other gates were set up soon afterwards.
1^ On July 20, 1714, a College order was passed " that a con-
venient iron palisade and gates for the Garden, Gates for the
Bridge Foot and entrance into the College shall be set up."
College orders of February 4, 1714, July 20, 1714, and
August 24, 1714, sanctioned the payment of £76. 16s. Od.,
£114. 85. 7f?., and £35. Qs. lid. for "ironwork" and in two of
the three instances Warren's name is added : these amounts
were included in a gross total of £967. 45. 0\d. paid over from
the College Stock to the Building Fund. In the Building
Account Book (p. 211) it is stated that " Mr Warren was paid
at several times from October 26, 1714 to August 24, 1715,
£326. 11. 6. for iron work." The total of the three sums
specially allocated by the College orders above referred to for
this purpose is £226. lis. 6c?., and it would seem as if there
must have been an earlier order (before orders were syste-
matically entered in a book) allocating £100 for this purpose.
If so, the Fellows must have either contemplated far less
extensive ironwork, or the probable cost must have been greatly
underestimated.
The item of £8. 45. 6d. which I communicated to Mr Starkie
I Gardner occurs in the ordinary College accounts, as audited at
i Michaelmas 1715, and must refer only to a final settlement with
! Warren, and, although it was a fortunate guess, I much regret
j that I did not make a more systematic search, which would
have put the matter beyond all doubt.
I have as yet been able to discover nothing further about
30 J. R. WARDALE
Warren. His name does not occur in the index of Clark's
Architectural History, so that I cannot ascertain whether any
other college employed his services. I am inclined, however, to
think that he must have been a local man living in Cambridge;
for had he been a London designer, it is almost incredible that
his name should not have been preserved elsewhere : further
there is no indication that he was ever obliged to make a
journey to Cambridge. There is no such entry in his case as
in others, e.g. on April 24, 1669, "Paid to Jackson for his
journey hither to survey ye building, by consent £1. 0. 0."
Lastly, if he were working in Cambridge, one can readily
understand why he should be employed to set up gates at
Exning House and Cheveley Rectory (see J. Starkie Gardner,
English Ironwork in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries,
p. 84).
NOTES ON CAMBRIDGESHIRE WITCHCRAFT
31
Notes on Cambridgeshire Witchcraft.
By Catherine E. Parsons.
^ (Read February 1, 1915 )
" When collecting' these few local notes on witchcraft, possibly
the oDly witches of my acquaintance were the witch of Endor
and those who mixed such a medley of ingredients in Shake-
speare's boiling caldron. Yet, I did not allow myself the
privilege of reading a single book on the subject, knowing that
a slight knowledge on my part might destroy the local colour.
But when I had been told many extraordinary stories and
began to wonder the why and the wherefore of their origin, it
seemed only natural to turn to such a source as the Oaol
\ Delivery Rolls at Ely, to see how this craft was exercised in
i Cambridgeshire years ago, and the notes from these rolls just
t give a few early examples by way of explaining witchcraft as
it unfortunately exists to-day, in one small parish in this county.
1 In order to avoid any personality, I am not using my informants'
interesting names, some of which have survived in the parish
over six hundred years.
The antiquity of witchcraft is well known. Its establish-
ment in England by the middle of the fourteenth century,
the legislation it necessitated, the influence of Continental
opinion upon it — brought home by the Marian exiles, how
the craft increased when the country was occupied by the
Civil War, the leniency with whicli it was treated under
Cromwell's government, and the literary war it occasioned,
which Francis Hutchinson practically ended by his Essay on
Witchcraft, in 1718, are points of interest beyond the scope of
these notes.
In Horseheath witchcraft is by no means a lost art. In
this parish we have ghosts as real as ever they were, supersti-
tion is rife, the wise woman is fresh in our memory, we have
32
CATHERINE E. PARSONS
our folklore, certain interesting customs, and cures for almost
ever}^ ill. The parishioners tell us that there always were
witches, and that there always will be, because they are
mentioned in the Book. Unfortunately, it is the biblical
references to demonopathy which seem to make this particular
phase of superstition hard to die. One is told that the chief
difference between a witch and an ordinary woman is, that if
the latter wishes her neighbour misfortune, her wish has no
effect, but the same wish in the mind of a witch has effect,
because the witch is believed to be in league with the devil,
she having made a contract to sell her soul to him in return
for the power to do evil.
At Horseheath we are informed that, in making these
contracts, the devil usually appeared to some person or other
in the shape of an animal, such as a rat, mouse or toad.
Perhaps this is why if either a toad or newt is found in a
house at Horseheath, the creature must at once be put upon
the fire, or it is supposed the inmates of the house would have
bad luck. Many contracts, said to have been made between
the devil and Cambridgeshire men and women, are recorded in
the Gaol Delivery Rolls in the Diocesan Registry at Ely. For
example, on the twenty-sixth of May, 1647, when John Bonham^
was hedging in Stacie's cherry yard in Sutton the devil is said
to have come to him in the form of a mole, and demanded
Bonham's soul, which, at first, Bonham refused to surrender.
"But," said the mole, "if you will not let me have your soul,
will you not let me have two drops of your blood ? and I will
hereafter be at your command." And to this bargain Bonham
agreed. So with his hatchet he cut his finger and gave it to
the mole to suck, and he named the spirit mole or imp, John,
and at once sent it to kill some horses, which we are told it
did. Then he sent the spirit to bewitch the baker's cattle,
and later, to bewitch the bullocks that belonged to Charles
Freeman, the thatcher, because they had broken down some
of Bonham's newly-made fences.
In this same year, on the first of June, Adam Sabie^ of
1 Ely, Gaol Delivery Rolls, E, 5, 1606-36.
^ Id.
NOTES ON CAMBKIDGESHIRE WITCHCRAFT 33
Haddenham, was brought before the justices at Ely, and
declared that he had a spirit in the likeness of a child, which
came to him in a flame of fire in Somersham wood, and said to
him, "Fear not Sabie, I am thy god." Then it is stated there
appeared a sudden darkness, it being about noonday. The
spirit told Sabie to go to the house of Lady Sandys, from
whom, he informed the justices, he received the sum of twenty
pounds, but we are not told why. This lady would be residing
at the Rectory at Wilburton, which parish adjoins Haddenham.
The Rectory had been appropriated to the Archdeacons
of Ely, and was once their country seat, but in 1632^ was
rented to Sir Miles Sandys. This case of witchcraft shows
how both rich and poor alike were made to suffer under this
craft.
The possession of imps or spirits having been obtained, they
were supposed to live upon the body of their respective owners
and assist them in their varied evil practices, and were handed
down from one generation to another. Unless given plenty of
work to do they are said to be a terrible torment to their
owners.
The history of the Horseheath imps is happily — and
naturally — veiled in mystery. Their present owner, who came
from Castle Camps, received them from her sister D. We are
told that when this poor creature was dying, no one could
stay in the room with her on account of the sulphur which
came from her nose and mouth. Such is the imagination of
Castle Camps folk. But it was said that D. would never have
died when she did had it not been for the woman who was
nursing her, whom D. had cautioned not to open a certain
hutch in her room, or she would die, but the old nurse turned
a deaf ear to the caution, being overcome by curiosity to
examine a certain red underskirt kept in the hutch, in which
imps had been wrapt. It is said that our imps were brought
to Horseheath in a box, upon which their owner sat during
the journey. Although the box was securely corded no one
was allowed to touch it, not even in assisting to lift the box in
or out of the cart, for imps are curious creatures, and no cords
^ Lysons' Cambridgeshire.
C. A. S. Comm. Vol. XIX. 3
34
CATHERINE E. PARSONS
or even iron bars can keep them in bounds unless they are
solely under the control of their owner.
We think the names of the Horseheath imps, five in number,
are interesting: Bonnie, Blue Cap, Red Cap, Jupiter and
Venus. As to their appearance opinions differ, but they are
generally said to be something like white mice. Mrs B. has
described one sitting on the top of a salt box in old Mrs C.'s
cliimney corner, as being something like a mouse, with very
large eyes, which kept getting large, then small, though she
had but a poor view of the creature owing to the curtain which
hung across the chimney shelf. In fact she scarcely had time
to realize what it was, before the imp turned quickly round and
scuttled up the chimney calling out "Wee, wee, wee." But, as
it turned she did notice that "it had a little mite of a tail
about two inches long." It was believed that this particular
imp had been sent down the chimney to see what was going on
in the cottage, in order to report any item of interest to the
witch, for it is useless trying to conceal anything from a
witch. What one does not choose to tell, can always be dis-
covered by the parish witch or wizard with the aid of an imp.
We have heard how Mr E., the late rag and bone man of
Horseheath, was asked one day by the witch where he was
going, and how he told the old lady to mind her own business.
Before this man got half a mile from his house, he heard
something coming along in the hedge behind him, and
on looking to see what it was, he discovered an imp had
been sent by the witch to watch his movements. Mr E.
chased the imp back and tried to catch it, but the faster he
ran the faster the imp ran, till at last it reached its owner,
who, standing in the doorway of her cottage, quickly caught
the creature up and put it in her bosom. Here, or in the
armpit, witches are said to carry their imps in safety. We
are told, that it is in this way their owners take them to
church to attend the Communion Service, the witch keeping
the bread in her mouth to give the imp when the service
is over.
In olden days, not only the possession of imps, but a mark
on the body of a supposed witch or wizard, said to be caused
NOTES ON CAMBRIDGESHIRE WITCHCRAFT
35
by the sucking of imps, was sufficient evidence of witchcraft for
the witchfinder, so that many an innocent creature must have
suffered injustice, through perhaps a small tumour, mole, wart
or even a pimple on the body, and other tests to which these
unfortunate people had to submit were equally fraudulent. It
is an extraordinary fact that these poor people frequently did
plead guilty to such fraudulent charges.
Here is a specimen of the evidence given against Ellen
Garrisons a supposed witch at Upvvell in 1645, by a witch-
finder who was working under the direction of that celebrated
conspirator, Mathew Hopkins, who for two years surpassed any
record of prosecutions in England for witchcraft. His life is
recorded in Seccombe's Twelve Bad Men. It was said that Ellen
had been a witch for a long time, and her mother before her,
that she had caused much harm and damage amongst her
neighbours, and had had differences with them. So Mathew
Hopkins' witchfinders tell the justices that they had watched
Ellen in her house at Upwell, where they saw a thing in the
likeness of a beetle running in the room where they w^atched,
and it ran round about the chair where the woman sat, and
under her feet, and immediately after it went under her table.
Then, what became of it they did not know, but it went much
faster than ever they saw any such thing before, so these men
were of the opinion that the beetle was an imp. We must
remember that they did not profess to be naturalists.
Some of the early depositions by reputed witches and
wizards make deplorable reading, and one grieves for the
I unfortunate person, who, perhaps innocently enough, incurred
I the displeasure of a neighbour, an offence w^hereby the accusa-
1 tion of witchcraft was made, and the offender was brought into
court to plead in vain, "not guilty," against evidence collected
' by such a man as Mathew Hopkins. Energetic as he was,
' alone he could never have caused the suffering he did. He
found an accomplice in John Stearn, and here is some of this
i man's evidence, given on the twenty-fourth July, 1647, against
Thomas Pie^ of Ely. John Stearn said that there were " two
J Ely, Gaol Delivery Rolls, E, 3, 1640-52.
j 2 j^, E, 5, 1606-36!
3—2
36
CATHERINE E. PARSONS
marks upon the body of Thomas Pie, sucked or drawn by evil or
familiar spirits called imps, and by the experience he hath
found in searching of others, who have confessed themselves
guilty, whose marks, being compared, are alike." Elizabeth
Foot^ of Stretham, when accused of witchcraft in this same
court cried, " Woe, woe, was the time that ever I was
born of such accursed mother, for my mother is but a dotard
woman gammer." This Elizabeth also said, ''that she never
hurt any person, or any. man's cattle, and saith if she is a
witch, it is more than she knows." When Joan Slater^ was
accused of being in possession of imps, she told the justices that
the marks she had upon her body were " not the marks of a
witch, but came as it pleased God."
Such cases as these are common enough. Many cases are
pathetic, some are almost too nauseating for perusal, whilst
others are amusing and incredible, as for instance in the case
of a girl, who was sent by her mother to fetch water from a
particular pond. The girl however went to some other pond,
where a black horse, which the girl "believed to be the devil
in the likeness of a horse, did lay down till she did get upon its
back," and the horse carried her through the air upon his back
to her own door, and there set her down^
There is a curious mention of horses in a case in 1647, in
which Jeremiah Biggs^ accuses his mother-in-law of witch-
craft. This man said that he had great losses amongst his
cattle seven years since, especially amongst his horses, divers
of which suddenly died, they being well over night, and being
found dead the next morning. Other of his horses would lie in
a most strange manner, beating ^t heir heads against the ground,
until they died.
When any cattle died, it appears to have been quite the
usual thing to do, to send for a farrier to pronounce upon the
cause of death. When John Scrimshaw ^ of Wisbeach, was
called up to give evidence about some horses that had died,
belonging to John Cuthbert, of Wisbeach, he told the justices
that, being a proper farrier, he was sent for to know what the
1 Ely, Gaol Delivery Rolls, E, 5, 1606-36.
= Id. 3 4 J^, 5
NOTES ON CAMBRIDGESHIRE WITCHCRAFT 37
horses died of, and to the best of his knowledge he could find
no disease that they should die of, for they were very sound
in their bodies. And so, the theory of witchcraft received
support.
These people were supposed by the professional witch-
finders to have been very dependent upon imps in the execution
of their craft. At Horseheath it is believed that, if an ordinary
toad be put into a tin pierced with holes and buried in an ant-
hill until the ants have devoured all the toad's flesh, and the
bones be taken out of the tin at twelve o'clock at night and
thrown into a running stream, the bones which float up the
stream can be used for witching purposes.
Although no longer a crime in our penal code, no self-
respecting person in Horseheath now cares to admit any
knowledge of witchcraft, and I experienced considerable
difficulty in collecting the belief that remains, owing to the
dread, even to this day, of offending the parish witch, to whom
every one must be extremely courteous. One must not even
pass her without some pleasant remark or other. Particulars
concerning the ceremonial of watches, when magic circles are
made, have been most difficult to collect; they appear to be
altogether too mystical for our ears. But we are told that
a circle is drawn on the ground, with perhaps a piece of chalk,
and that the Lord's Prayer is said backwards, and the devil
suddenly appears within the circle, perhaps in the form of a
cockerel, but all kinds of things are said to suddenly spring out
of the ground. And if the person standing within the circle
becomes so frightened that he steps out of the circle, we are
told the devil would fly away with him. We have heard how
naughty boys at Horseheath have been severely chastised for
mimicking some such practice as this.
This kind of ceremonial has perhaps survived from the
day when Robert Barker\ of Babraham, sought all too dearly
to make himself rich on an outlay of two pounds six shillings
and eightpence, in the year 1465, when he was found to be
in possession of a book, and a roll of black art containing
characters, circles, exorcisms and conjurations, a hexagorial
^ Bp Gray\t Register, f. 133.
38
CATHERINE E. PARSONS
sheet with strange figures, six metal plates with divers
characters engraved, a chart with hexagonal and pentagonal
figures and characters, and a gilded wand. When this Robert
Barker was brought before the Bishop, in the Lady Chapel at
Ely, on the ninth of January, 1465-6, he said that a certain
John Hope had promised him wealth if he would give him the
two pounds six shillings and eightpence for the books and
instruments, and said he had great hopes of certain spirits
appearing to him, who would answer his questions, direct him
to gold and silver in abundance, and impart to him all secrets.
To this end he found a secret place in a close next William
Clerk's house at Satfron W^alden. As these things seemed to
savour of idolatry and heresy, the Bishop commanded Robert
Barker to abjure them, and enjoined as a public penance that
Robert should, on the next two Sundays, walk round the
market places of Ely and Cambridge, with bare feet and
uncovered head, carrying the said plates and charts round
his neck, the wand in his right hand and the books in his left
hand. Afterwards all the books and instruments were to
be burned in Cambridge Market Place. By way of private
penance the Bishop ordered that Robert should fast on bread
and water the whole of every Friday for a year, and say the
seven penitential Psalms, with the Litany, every Sunday
throughout the year.
An instance of this drawing of circles occurs in 1615, in
the case of Dorothy Pitman^, of Haddenham, where strong
faith in witchcraft appears to have existed. Dorothy was
asked whether she had at any time made any circle, or did she
know of the making of any circlaby " charmer, or enchantment,"
to do any mischief? This woman after a family quarrel appears
to have had a little difference with a neighbour, when she had
the misfortune to remark that she would be even with her
before seven years went by. About six months later this
neighbour's little girl fell ill. Her father took her to one,
Hillers, an accounted wizard who lived six or seven miles from
Newmarket, to seek a remedy. Hillers said that if the child
lived till the spring, she would either " amend or end." In the
^ See Appendix, p. 45.
NOTES ON CAMBRIDGESHIRE WITCHCRAFT 39
I .
spring the child died and innocent Dorothy was believed to
. be the cause of the child's death.
I Henry Douglas^ had previously brought a case against this
Dorothy Pitman, who was supposed to have been a witch for
more than twenty years. This man charged her with making
a circle in his house at Haddenham, and shortly afterwards his
(laughter was ill, but a " woman wizard," near Royston, was
said to have given her a remedy which saved her life.
The earliest witch remembered by my fellow parishioners
I at Horseheath, went by the name of Daddy Witch. It is said
j she was an ancient bony creature, half clothed in rags, who
! lived in a hut by the sheep- pond in Garret's Close, and that
she gained much of her knowledge from a book called The
j Devil's Plantation. When Daddy Witch died, her body was
; buried in the middle of the road which leads from Horseheath
to Horseheath Green, just where the road passes the close
opposite the sheep-pond. Her grave is marked by the dryness
I of the road, said to be caused from the heat of her body. But
I whether the County Council will be as generous with its
I granite, as our old world road-mender was with his flint, at
this particular spot, remains to be seen. Daddy Witch in her
prime would be amongst the many witches and wizards who
flocked for miles round Horseheath to attend the frolic and
dances held at midnight in lonely fields by the master witch
of the neighbourhood. We hear that the witch from the
neighbouring parish of Withersfield was often seen by Horse-
heath people riding through the air to attend these revels upon
a hurdle, and that witches and wizards returning in the early
hours of the morning were seen to be in a terrible state of
I perspiration. But these creatures riding during the night upon
their broom-sticks or hurdles could scarcely endanger them-
selves or the public as do some airmen of to-day with their
complicated machinery.
As for dancing, all men, young and old, were eager to dance
at Horseheath fair with a witch, who, it is remembered, danced
the hornpipe better than any man or woman for miles round.
Superstitious people may live in comparative security from
^ Ely, Depositions and Informations, F, 10, 1615.
I
40
CATHERINE E. PARSONS
the ills of witchcraft if they can be assured that no witch
possesses anything belonging to them to work upon. But it
seems a difficult matter to tell when a person is liable to be
bewitched, or in bad hands, for who knows that the witch has
not picked up a piece of one's broken crockery, or perhaps
taken a sprig from the garden hedge ? The smallest thing of
yours in possession of the witch is supposed to be sufficient to
start the bane of terror. Then to offend the witch spells sure
misfortune.
Under certain circumstances, it is believed that one is actually
obliged to make presents to the witch. Only a short time ago
an old lady at Horseheath, who is supposed to have been a
witch or " something in that way," admired some turnips and
said she would like to have one. The owner promptly sent
the old lady several of his very best, in order to be on the safe
side. Girls in service, who return to Horseheath for their
holidays, sometimes think it advisable to give the witch a few
pence before leaving the village, in order to avoid bad luck.
So that it would seem almost impossible to do what is believed
to be the right thing, and still keep out of evil hands. We
know of a charitable woman who made a skirt for a poor child
connected with the witch's family, who gave the skirt to a
neighbour to give the child, because she had not the courage
to do so herself.
It is thought that a person can be bewitched by accepting
a gift from a witch. For instance, in a generous mood our old
lady sent some fine currants, that she had grown in her garden,
to a Horseheath girl staying in London. The girl however did
not dare to eat them, fearing that by doing so she might have
been bewitched.
There is perhaps one easy way to guard against witchcraft,
and that is to go to the village shop and buy a halfpenny worth
of salt without saying either " please " or " thank you " for it.
Another precaution is to put a piece of steel under your door
mat, for a witch cannot cross steel, and a knife put under
a chair will prevent the witch from sitting down if she should
come into your house. But this precaution is not so good
as the former, as standing visitors often stay longest.
NOTES ON CAMBRIDGESHIRE WITCHCRAFT
41
Witches are extortioners, and their craft is remunerative.
Whenever anything went wrong on the Church Farm, at
Horseheath, a former tenant used to promptly send the witch
five shillings, firmly believing that she had been up to some of
her pranks. One poor woman, who had made several batches
of heavy bread, believed that it was bewitched, so in order
to remedy the trouble she sent for the witch, paid her a fee,
and asked her to break the spell. This we are told she did
by burning a piece of heavy dough in the fire, when at once
the evil went into the witch's cap which caught fire at the
same time as the dough. Such assistance always means a fee
for the witch. We frequently hear that a spell has been cast
on someone's coal, and that nothing will induce it to burn
until the spell is removed, and much inconvenience has been
caused when horses have been bewitched. We have heard
how, one day, a waggon and horses were set fast in a field
in Horseheath, near Money Lane. The driver, realizing that
evil influence was at work, sent for the witch to break the
spell. On arriving, the old lady told the man not to whip the
horses, but to whip the wheels of the waggon, which he did,
and the horses at once moved on with their load.
On another occasion, a man was taking a load of corn to the
malting with a pair of black horses, but as they passed the
witch's house the horses suddenly stopped, and nothing would
induce them to go on till the witch came out and patted them,
and called them "pretty dears," then they quietly went on their
journey without further trouble. But this patting and coaxing
sometimes appears to be injurious. For instance, Mrs C, of
Horseheath, had two good pigs that she was fatting in her sty,
and was feeding them one day when the witch in passing
patted one of them on the head, and remarked as she did so
what a good pig it was. But, she had no sooner gone than the
pig stopped feeding, and it would not eat anything the next
day or the next. So in despair Mrs C. had her pig bled. This
was done by cutting a little piece out of one of its ears, and a
little piece off its tail. However, as the pig was no better for
this treatment, it had to be killed, because it was bewitched,
though it was said, the spell might have been broken simply
42
CATHERINE E. PARSONS
enough by burning a little of the pig's blood, and by doing
so, the witch would be supposed to suffer from the burn. For
although witches and wizards are said to be the devil's own
people, he takes little personal care of them.
Mrs H., formerly of Horseheath, tells how her mother had
a beautiful brood of young ducks, and when only a fortnight
old, they were bewitched and covered with vermin. These
young ducks just turned on their backs, kicked up their little
feet, and were dying fast. Fearing she might lose the whole
brood, the good woman sent to the shop for an ounce of new
pins, and stuck them into one of the dead ducks. Then
she made up a good fire, and at twelve o'clock at night, without
telling anyone what she was going to do, she put the duck well
into the middle of the fire, and before the duck had been
burning ten minutes her fears were affirmed. The witch came
screaming to the door, making the most agonising noise, for the
pain caused by the pins in the burning duck had entered the
witch, and we are told the rest of the ducks in the morning
were found to be cured of their pest. A swarm of fleas, or
other insects, supposed to be sent by a witch, may often be
destroyed by burning a piece of linen or flannel which has been
worn next the skin and stuck with new pins. The burning
must take place secretly at midnight.
Such instances of this craft at Horseheath are numberless,
and repetition is useless. Of course if one of the usual methods
failed to cure some ill or other that was supposed to have been
sent by the parish witch, the sufferer would then pin his faith
on some well-known cure, or even consult a doctor. However,
if a doctor's treatment failed to effect a cure, even such an
eminent physician as Dr Isaac Barrow, of Cambridge, would
ask his patient if witchcraft was suspected, which shows that
the craft of a doctor was considered useless against the craft of
a witch.
A very usual method used by a so-called bewitched person
at Horseheath to draw a witch, is to get a pint and a half glass
bottle and half fill it with water, and put in a lock of hair from
the noddle of the neck, also an ounce of new pins — heads down-
wards—some rusty nails from an old shoe and some parings of
NOTES ON CAMBRIDGESHIRE WITCHCRAFT
43
finger and toe nails. Then cork the bottle, which must be put
on the fire at midnight when the bewitched person is quite
alone, and if that person does not speak, when the bottle bursts,
whatever is bewitched will be cured, and the witch will come to
the house screaming with the trouble that has affected the
bewitched person. But unfortunately, we find it so often
happens on these occasions that, perhaps through nervousness,
the bewitched person does speak.
A witch or wizard and the person or thing bewitched, are
considered by some people at Horseheath so closely allied, that
by killing that which is bewitched, it is believed that the
witch or wizard who wrought the evil will also be killed. For
instance, we hear there was a cow that would not give any
milk. Her master after giving her several blows on the head,
was implored by his man not to hit her any more, because he
believed the witch would feel the blows and send them other
troubles. And a man whose horse and cart was set fast in
Silver Street, Cambridge, threatened to fetch a gun to shoot
the horse, believing that by doing so he would rid himself of
the witch who wrought the misfortune.
However, some men had no fear of witches, and Mr J. of
Horseheath was one of them. Driving in the village one day,
he saw a woman sitting by the side of the road, whom he took
to be a witch, and wishing to make her move on out of the
i parish, he gave her a flick with his whip, and told her to be off.
She refused to move, so Mr J. gave her a little more of his
whip. She then got up and said, Whip away young man,
. your horses will never do you any more good," and we are told,
one after another his horses died. In fact we have heard of
some people in Horseheath, suffering so much from the spite of
■ witches, that life there has become unbearable for them, and
that after a time, they have been obliged to go ''abroad to
Wales, or somewhere."
The belief in this craft is unfortunately all too real in
Horseheath. Only a short time ago we heard that a convey-
i ance was coming over from Linton to take an old lady —
supposed to be a witch, or something in that way — to the "great
house," where she might end her days in more comfort than she
44
CATHERINE E. PARSONS
was enjoying at Horseheath. This news made little impression
upon the village public, who care little for that residence, for
they were sure the old lady would stop the conveyance from
coming, or, if it did come, that the horse would never move
when she got into the carriage. When the conveyance actually
did arrive, and the old lady was comfortably driven off, words
cannot describe the wonder in the minds of those who
witnessed the sight.
But the day comes when the parish witch ceases to find
any charm in her craft, and she longs to be at rest. Then the
question arises as to what can be done with her imps ? For we
are told, a witch cannot die until she can dispose of her imps,
and unless she has a relation who is willing to take them, it is
a difficult matter in these days to dispose of them in any other
way. One seldom finds that the ordinary rustic is brave enough
to undertake such a responsibility. One way out of the difficulty
is to burn the imps, but this is a terrible business^ and was tried
only a few years ago when the witch at West Wickham wanted
to die. In this case, it is said, the imps were put into a well
heated brick oven, but they screamed to such an extent that
they had to be taken out of the oven, and were returned to the
witch who was found to be covered with barns, whilst the imps
themselves were uninjured. So we are told the imps were put
into the old lady's coffin and were buried with her in West
Wickham churchyard. On another occasion, we are told,
some imps were burned in a brick oven where no more bread
was to be baked, and when they were in the oven it was as
much as two strong men with great pitchforks could do, to
keep the imps from bursting the oven door open, and the
men were terrified by the strength of the imps, who screamed
and cried like a lot of little children.
NOTES OX CAMBRIDGESHIRE WITCHCRAFT
45
APPENDIX.
The Examination of Dorothy Pitman, of Haddenham,
widow, taken before Sir Thomas Steward, Knight, the thir-
teenth day of January, 1615 ^
She being demanded whether she had at any time made
any circle, or did she know of the making of any circle thereby
by charmer or enchantment to do any mischief. She said she
never made any, neither did she know of any that was made
by any. And denyeth that ever she said to Bird or his wife
that she would be even with them, or ever said so much to
Bowman his wife., neither did she ever hurt Bird his child or
any other. And further sayeth that she do not know what
doth belong to witchcraft, or anything there unto belonging.
Tho: Steward,
Information of Mary, wife of John Vipers, of Haddenham.
She sayeth that when the daughter of the said widow Pitman
was sick, there was a falling out between widow Pitman and
her daughter, and that the wife of Martin Bird and Joan
Soale told this informant of the falling out, which, when
Pitman understood, she came to this informant to know what
Bird and his wife and Joan Soale had reported unto her,
which, when this informant told her, widow Pitman answered
and said ''Well, I will acquit her kindness before 7 years go
about."
Tho: Steiuard.
Information of Martin Bird, of Sutton, labourer, who says
that, about one and a half years since, there was a falling out
between Dorothy Pitman, of Haddenham, and Ann, wife of
Thomas Cooper, daughter of the said Dorothy. This informant
then dwelling in the said tow^u, his wife being in the street
with a little girl named Joan Soale, did hear Ann cry, ''Murder,
^ Ely, Depositions and Infor mat ions, F, 10. 1615.
46
CATHERINE E. PARSONS
Murder," and Dorothy said she would have her blood. His
wife and the little girl noising the same abroad unto other
their neighbours, Dorothy did give threatning speeches against
this informant, unto Mary, wife of John Vipers, saying she
would be even with her before 7 years went about. And about
half a year after, he having a little girl, about a quarter year
old, did fall sick for about half a year, being all the time
extremely tormented with continual heaving as she lay in bed,
lifting herself a foot or more plumb up with all parts of the
body 10 times or 12 times every day and night, the mouth
changing continually, as if it had been eating, and so con-
tinued during the time of her sickness, and so died; This
informant went to one Hillers, accounted a wizard, dwelling
6 or 7 miles from Newmarket, to seek a remedy for the said
child, who told him that he had tarried too long, and that " if
the child did live until the spring, she would either amend or
end." And about the spring the child died.
Informant Elizabeth, wife of Martin Bird, remembers the
falling out, and heard Ann cry " Murder, Murder, help, help
for God's sake. She will murder me!" And that if she came
to help her, she would have her blood, crying out very loud —
" Ho, Ho, Ho, Ho, Ise, Ise, Ise," which was very fearful to this
informant. Further she sayeth that the said Ann, daughter of
Dorothy, cried out and said that now she would have her good-
ness known, and that she would conceal it no longer. And
saith that at the same time Dorothy had two of her fingers
bitten by her daughter. Further, Thomas Cooper, husband of
Ann, came to the said place, his wife telling him that her
mother would have murdered her, took his wife by the arm
and said, " Come away for she is a witch, and hath been for
20 years." Further, this informant saith that Dorothy Pitman
bewitched the child.
The informant, Thomas Cooper, of Haddenham saith, that
3 or 4 years since, his wife was greviously sick, and he went
to one Smith, in Cambridge, an apothecary, and some others
skillful in physic, but could find no remedy. He went to a
woman named Mother Jane, a reputed wizard, dwelling at
Waltham, by Hitchen, Hertford, who told him his wife was ill
NOTES ON CAMBRIDGESHIRE WITCHCRAFT
47
dealt with, but she should recover and lift her arm to her head
the next day, which, at his coming home he found to be very
true, and so she recovered little by little. He thinketh she was
bewitched.
The informant, Ann Cooper, sayeth she was ill about
7 weeks, but never thought her soul bewitched, neither did she
at any time in her extremity say that she was bewitched by
her mother, or knew that her husband went to any wizard to
seek remedy for her.
The information of Edward Mason, of Haddenham, taken
upon oath before Thomas Castell, Esquire, one of His Majestie's
Justices of the Peace for this Isle of Ely, the twent}' ninth day
of May, 1647 \
Who saith that being in the company of Thommison Read,
the said T. R. told this informant that the devil appeared to
her in the likeness of a mouse and demanded of her the life of
her child, which the said Thommison would not agree unto.
Then the devil demanded of her some of her blood, which she
consented and yeald unto, which was no sooner granted, but
the devil coming to the said Thommison to know what he
should do for her. She said unto him send my spirit to
bewitch the child of John Miller, of Hillrow. All which was
speedily performed by her spirit called " Muse," and the said
child hath ever been most grievously tormented, and being
asked by this informant if she could not unwitch the child
again, she answered she could not, for if she could she would.
And further this informant saith not.
The information of Ellen, the wife of Oliver Pope, who
saith that Thommason Read, being in this informant's house,
after she was apprehended and searched, and by the searchers
found to have the marks of a witch. The said Thommason
told this informant that, when she lived at Cottenham, which,
is about 15 years since, the devil appeared to her in the
likeness of a mouse, and pricked her on the thigh, and so for
a time, left her. Afterwards she coming to live at Haddenham,
the devil appeared the second time and demanded of her her
1 Ely, Gaol Delivery Rolls, E, 5, 1606-36.
48
CATHERINE E. PARSONS
child, or else her blood, and presently gave the said T. a prick
or nip upon the breast, and the spirit mouse sucked her blood.
And she commanded her spirit mouse to go and bewitch and
touch the child of John Miller, which was speedily performed,
and the said child was handled in a most grievous and tor-
menting manner. And further, she told this informant that
she commanded her other spirit cat, to bewitch to death the
sheep of Thomas Woodbridge and of Robert Gray, both of
Hillrow, which was further performed. And eight of the sheep
of Thomas Woodbridge and Thomas Gray did die, and further
this informant saith not.
The information of Robert Miller, who saith that John Read,
the son of Thommason Read, came to him and desired him to
go with him to the house of his mother, which this informant
did, and being there, Thommason Read gave this informant a
white root to eat, which this informant did eat, and in a short
time after had his first tormenting fit, and hath to this present
been in great pain and misery, all which this informant doth
verily believe was done by Thommason Read.
The information of Thomas Woodbridge, who saith that in
April, 1647, had died out of his flock 12 sheep, which sheep
died in a strange manner, and in a very short time.
The information of Robert Gray who saith that having the
son of Thommason Read to drive his plough, this informant
changed the said son of T. R. and took another boy that was
more stronger, which the said T. R. hearing, said, " hath this
Robert Gray taken another boy ? If I live I will be even with
him for so doing." And presently after this informant had two
of his sheep died, within an hour's space, which at that time,
this informant saith unto the shepheard that, he did verily
believe was bewitched by the said T. R.
The examination of Thommason Read, who saith that,
about 7 years since, there appeared unto her a great mouse,
and gave her a prick upon the thigh, and hath sucked upon
her body ever since, until Wednesday last, being the twenty
sixth of May, 1647. And after she had made her contract
with the devil, the first thing the devil asked her was to make
away with her child. Which she refused, but commanded her
NOTES ON CAMBRIDGESHIRE WITCHCRAFT 49
spirit mouse to go and touch and bewitch Robert Miller, the
son of John Miller, which she confessed was presently per-
formed by her spirit mouse, and the child ever since to this
twenty sixth of May, was in great torment. And she being
asked if she could not command her spirit mouse to forsake
the child, she answered she could not, for if it was in her
power she would. But further saith that old , of Aldreth,
could unwitch Miller's child. And further saith that she had
another spirit in the likeness of a cat, which cat she commanded
to go to the fold of Thomas Woodbridge and Robert Gray, and
worried 12 of the sheep because they would not have her boy
no longer to plough, but took another boy. And being asked
when the spirits fed upon her body, she said that they both came
in a great wind the last night between twelve and one of the
clock, and as soon as they had done, she commanded her mouse
spirit to go into the body of Robert Miller, and her cat spirit
she commanded to go and destroy the corn that groweth in
Hillrow field.
C.A.S. Comm. Vol. XIX.
4
R. H. EDLESTON
The Monumental Brasses of Spain.
By R. H. EDLESTON, M.A., F.S.A., F.RG.S.
Communicated February 8, 1915.
The three rubbings which I venture to submit for the
inspection of the Society, represent, so far as I am at present
aware, the only three monumental brasses existing in Spain.
That of Don Perafan de Ribera Duke of Alcala, 1571 (Plate III),
formerly in the Cartuja Convent in Sevilla, and now in the
University Chapel in that city, was long thought to be the only
brass in Spain, and is mentioned as such by Mr Creeny in his
monumental work, The Brasses of Europe. I only venture to
submit a rubbing of this brass because that reproduced in
Mr Creeny's book shows only the figure, and the base, of this
immense quadrangular plate. The marginal inscription reads
as follows : AQVI lAZE EL EX^*^ SENOR DON PERAFAN DE RIBERA
DVQ^ IE ALCALA mRQAES | IE TARIFA CONIE IE LOS MOLARES
ADELANTADO MAIOR DEL | ANDALVZIA VISOREI DE NAPOLES
FALLESCIO A. Z. DE ABRIL DE 1571 ANOS | .
The Latin verses read thus :
HOG lACET IN TVMVLO QVEM VIRTVS VEX IT AD ASTRA :
QVEM CANET AD SVMMVM DEBITA FAMA DIEM.
TEMPORE DIVERSO DVO REGNA AMPLISSIMA REXIT,
BARCHINOEM IVVENIS, PARTHENOPENQVE SENEX.
DVM FVIT EOIS, FVLSIT QVASI SIDVS EOVM :
DVM FVIT HESPERUS, HESPERVS ALTER ERAT.
FLERE NEFAS ILLVM, QVI FCELIX VIXIT VBIQVE.
ANTE HOMINES VIVVS, MORTVVS ANTE DEOS.
The two identical shields in the upper corners are sur-
mounted by a ducal coronet. When I visited Sevilla in 1906
for the purpose of rubbing this, "said to be the only brass in
Spain," permission for wdiich was most courteously given me by
Camb. Ant. Soc. Vol. XIX
Plate III, p. 50
Brass of Don Perafan de Ribera, 1571.
I
Brass of the Wife of Francisco Fernandes, 1371.
Camb. Ant. Soc. Vol. XIX
Plate V, p. 51
Brass of Martin Ferrandes de Lascortinas, 1409.
THE MONUMENTAL BRASSES OF SPAIN
51
Professor Joaquin Hazanas y la Rua, late Rector of the
University, I had the good fortune to meet that eminent
artist and archaeologist Mr George Bonsor of Carmona, the
excavator of Italica and more lately of the Phoenician and pre-
historic sites at Carmona. Mr Bonsor, to whom I was intro-
duced by the British Consul, Capt. Johnston, most kindly gave
up a day to showing us Sevilla, and put me on the track of
the second of the brasses to which I desire to call your
attention. This brass (Plate IV), commemorating the wife of
Francisco Fernandes, 1371, is now on the walls of the cloisters
of the former Convento de la Merced, now the Museo Arqueo-
logico at Sevilla. It was formerly in a church at Castro
Urdiales in the province of Santander. I do not propose to
take up the time of the Society by any description in detail
of these brasses. The rubbings, although I could wish that
they Avere better, must speak for themselves. In this brass,
the costume of the lady, the lapdog with its collar of bells at
her feet, the single canopy with sixteen saints in two's in the
shafts, and the marginal inscription in Lombardic characters,
with the Evangelistic symbols, bear so strong a resemblance to
the Flemish brass of Walsokne, 1349, at St Margaret's, King's
Ljmn, and in slightly less degree to that of the Braunche
brass, 1364, in the same church, as almost to suggest that this
brass from Castro Urdiales must have come from the same
shop at Bruges or Ghent as some of the finest examples of
Flemish brasses to be found in England, and in Northern
Europe. The parts of the inscription remaining on this brass
read thus : TO polo e mvger qve fve de francisco
FERNANDES | QVE FINO EN TREINTA DI | ...MAYO ERA DE MIL
E CCC E LXXI ANN... | .
The third rubbing (Plate V) is of the brass to Martin
Ferrandes de Lascortinas, 1409, and his wife Catelina Lopes,
1411, and their sons Lope, Johan, and Diego, although with the
figure only of Martin Ferrandes himself It is now mural, in the
Museo Arqueologico at Madrid. I was told of its existence by
; the Curator of the Museo Arqueologico at Sevilla. Leave to
take the rubbing was given me at once, on the introduction of
the British Embassy, by the Curator, Don Jose Ramon Melida.
4—2
62
R. H. EDLESTON
The general design, both figure and accessories, the canopy
with saints and angels, the diaper patterned background, the
marginal inscription with symbols and shields, and the lion
and wild man at the feet of the figure, is of the usual Flemish
type of well-known examples in England, Belgium and Germany.
It bears a striking resemblance, especially in the position of
the folded hands, to the brass of Roger Thornton and his wife,
1429 and 1411, at Newcastle-upon-Tyne. The inscription, in
Lombardic letters, runs as follows : ^ AQVI lAZE MARTIN FER-
RADES DE LAS CORTINAS QVE FINO EL PRIMER DIA DE
MARSCO ERA DE M.CCCC.IX ANNOS >^ AQVI | lAZE CATELINA
LOPES SV MVGER Q FINO | A OCHO DIAS DE MAYO ERA DE
M.CCCC.XT. ANNOS ^ AQVI lAZE SOS FIIOS LOPE FERRADES
lOHA FERRADES DIAGO FERRADES AQVI | DIOS PDOE | . I heard
in Spain a vague rumour of brasses at Zaragoza and Valladolid,
but I have not since visited Zaragoza, and at Valladolid a look
through the Museo at the Collegio de Santa Cruz revealed
nothing. However I am able to report that there are three
brasses, not one only, in Spain, if not more, and to exhibit the
rubbings I made of the three.
MEDIEVAL GRAFFITI
53
Medieval Graffiti, especially in the
Eastern Counties.
Modified from papers read December 2, 1912, and
February 8, 1915.
We have a great deal still to learn from the systematic
study of masons' marks ; but there is another class of marks in
churches which has been left almost unnoticed, though it offers
perhaps a still richer field, and especially for Cambridge
students. On the piers of the tower-arch at Coton church are
three rough inscriptions, scratched apparently with knife-points,
one by the mason who did the work, and the others by parish
clerks. The material (clunch) was evidently so tempting, and
. is so common in Eastern county churches, that these inscriptions
suggested to me the idea of a systematic search, which has been
I rewarded far beyond my expectations. If we may generalize
1 from about a hundred buildings now inspected in Cambridge-
i shire, Herts, Essex, Suffolk and Norfolk, it would seem that
i there are scarcely any clunch-built churches which have not
tempted the medieval scribbler. Some have been so merci-
lessly scraped at restoration that little or nothing now remains ;
in other cases, the pillars are still covered wholly or in part with
i whitewash ; in nearly all other cases medieval inscriptions may
! be found in a more or less legible state. It may therefore be
; worth while to provide here a rough hand-list of such inscrip-
tions, deciphered to the best of my ability. Although I have
j here had much help from the Provost of King's, Mr E. H. Minns,
I and above all from Mr A. Rogers of the University Library, much
must still be left to my reader's conjecture or correction. If
this paper elicits more accurate readings from other observers, and
especially if it stimulates systematic research and preservation
54
G. G. COULTON
of such inscriptions in the clunch districts, it will have served
its purpose.
Some of these inscriptions are very conspicuous, and have
already been published. The chief among them is the famous
Black Death inscription, and drawing of Westminster Abbey in
the 14th century (miscalled Old St Paul's), inside Ashwell
tower. Legends almost equally conspicuous are inscribed upon
two arches at Rushden (Northants). On one is " This arche
made Hiwe Bochar & Julian hise wyf, of whos sowlus God
have merci up on. Amen." The other bears "In God is all.
A ! God help ! " At Ropsley (Lincoln) a pillar bears " Ista
columna facta fuit ad festum Sancti Michaelis anno Domini
M° ccc° LXXX°, et nomen factoris Thomas Bate de Corby."
These, of course, were official inscriptions meant to be seen by
all. Of similar character are the boldly-cut words on the jamb
of a window in the N. aisle at Offliey (Herts). " Dedicatum fuit
istud altare in festo sancti Sulspicii (sic) episcopi, anno domini
M° cccc° XVIJ^," to which a contemporary hand has added " et
Regis Henrici V*'' quarto. Billeys " ; (plate X). Again, on a
pillar at Little Dunmow ; " Hie requiescat (sic) corpus Johannis
de monte Caniso, cujus anime propicietur Deus. Amen." Such .
conspicuous inscriptions are deeply cut in bold letters, and
have attracted their due share of notice ; it is therefore better
here to emphasize the multitude of others, sometimes so minute
as to suggest that they may have been scratched with a pin-
point, and often half-scraped away by the restorer, which seem
hitherto to have escaped notice almost altogether. In a few
cases, as at Barrington and Ashwell, they have been traced over
in modern times with a lead pencil; but with unfortunate
results, since the operators in all these cases have evidently
misread (and therefore wrongly traced) a good many letters.
Let us begin with Coton, as nearest to Cambridge and
intrinsically among the most interesting. I have collected the
best Coton graffiti on Plate YI. On the N. side of the tower-
arch Andrew Swinhoe has recorded that he began the arch on
St Wulstan's day 1481, and two parish clerks have written
their names about the same date, one on the S. and one on
the N. pier. These inscriptions run : " Andreas Swynnow hoc
MEDIEVAL GRAFFITI
55
primo in die Sancti Wlstani incepit, anno domini millesimo
CCCC° octagesimo primo"; "Thomas Bradfeld clericus de Coty[s]
anno domini [mc] CCC [octajgesimo tercio " ; and again
"Thomas Dobson clericus de Cotes^ anno domini " The
rude mark before Andreas seems pretty plainly intended for
a pair of compasses, a very common emblem of the mason's
craft. On the pier of the tower-arch, about 8 feet up, is
a sort of rough monogram which may possibly be read " P. R.,"
and may be a mason's indication-note such as we shall see later
on. On- the pillar near the font are two so-called "pilgrim-
crosses," such as occur in very many medieval churches. The
explanation of these (which is probable enough, though I have
never seen documentary evidence given), is that they marked
the beginning or the consummation of a pilgrim's vow. On
another pillar " William " [ ] has scrawled his name,
on the N. pier arch "Johannes Lofte," and in other places we
note " th "[omas], "thom," "stobart"?, and a very minute
scratch which apparently reads "Dom^ Henricus," and will in
that case be the signature of one of the clergy.
With this miscellaneous collection from Coton let us compare
a similar collection from the nave of the nunnery church of
Elstow, Beds, which was doubtless frequented by the laity also
(Plate VII). These pillars are hard and rough sandstone, so that
the letters, though often large, are shallow and frequently
illegible. The first runs "Memento mei cum ve...." We at
once supply " -neris in regnum tuum," and this is not entirely
inconsistent with what can be deciphered of the rest of the
inscription. Another begins quite clearly " Orate pro anima,"
and then, almost as clearly, "rus boy," which may possibly be
ungramraatical fur " Robertus Boy." The rest is suggestive of
" cujus anime propicietur Deus," though there scarcely seems
! room for "cujus." It is possible, however, that the word
1 which I have read as " Boy," may be "cujus/' ui which case
! there seems scarcely room for the name of the person whose
I soul is prayed for. The next seems to read "Homo de
I muliere "..." Man " (born) "of woman" (is full of trouble).
The next is possibly "Me (et) temetipsum cedis." The next
* Coton was called Cotes in the Middle Ages.
56
G. G. COULTON
is a long inscription in large letters, but mostly illegible, " tho
the goost tfo d(o)th ge..."..." th(an) he shel boot...." There
are a good many scarcely legible names scratched, among them
" Constaunce," ''de — [?]." The other figures on this plate are
from Whittlesford, and of the armorial kind which we shall see
more fully later; one of the Allerton family has drawn his
crest, an antelope's head, repeatedly, on a tilting helmet ; the
same drawing and the same name occurs on a pillar at
Babraham.
Plate VIII gives fresh examples of building notes.
At Ashwell (S. pier eastwards) we find ''anno D"^'
M.CCC° LXXXJ° fuit ista [ij*] ecclesia con[summata] " ; Sawston
" [Consecrjatio [ ] xxxviij in die apostolorum Symonis &
Jude." At Ashw^ell, that is, "this second church" (by which
is doubtless meant the church as rebuilt after the Black
Death) " was finished in 1381." At Sawston the church (or
possibly the altar close to the pillar) was consecrated after
rebuilding on St Simon and Jude's day 1338: the century is
illegible on the inscription, but no other is compatible with
the actual architecture. At Stapleford on one of the pillars is
" M," doubtless for " Maria." The rest on this plate are moral
saws such as are very frequently found among these medieval
graffiti, although they are not always specially legible. Saws
of this kind are of course commonly met with scribbled on the
blank leaves or margins of medieval books. Moreover collec-
tions of them were not infrequently made in the Middle Ages.
A German scholar, Jakob Werner, has published an extremely
useful alphabetical arrangement of them, mainly from two MSS.
at Bale\ He suspects a Low German origin for the best of
these collections, but one of the proverbs seems to point to an
English origin, since it is difficult to make sense of it in any
other language^ The last of the saws on Plate VIII is in one
of the Bale MSS. quoted by Werner, "ebrietas frangit quic-
quid sapientia tangit." "Drunkenness breaks whatever wisdom
^ Jakob Werner. Lateinische Sprichwdrter u.s.tv. des Mittelalters. Heidel-
berg. 1912. 2 mks.
2 "Plus valet il quam nil," pulicem gluciens lupus inquit. "Ill is better
than nil," as the wolf said when he swallowed a flea.
MEDIEVAL GRAFFITI
57
touches." It is difficult not to suspect that the man who first
invented the line wrote "pangit." Working upwards on the
plate the next seems to read "Omnibus in quibus...diligit
punit." The next " Finis virtutis Dei gloria, & non sancta sum
omnibus." " The end of virtue is God s glory, and I am not
holy to all." The next, " Patere si vis temet in coelo patere " ;
i.e. " Suffer, if you want yourself to be seen in Heaven."
Skipping the Sawston inscriptions already noted, we come to
another from Ash well. " Quot gratias sentis tot deles crimina
mentis." " As many thanks [or favours] you feel, so many faults
of the soul do you wipe out." It is pathetic to think that
the good priest who wrote this took gratias for an anapaest.
The top inscription is from Barrington ; it has been wholly
pencilled over, so that it can only be read properly in a rubbing \
It is an English exhortation to the sinner :
"lo fol how the day goth
Cast foly now to the cok
Eyth sone tydyth the [thee] wroth
It ys almast xii of the clok."
I have found only two similar inscriptions in English : one is
from Great Bardfield, very imperfect :
"Be noght to bold
Be to bussi[ness]...
Bost noght to mych..."
and the other is a portion of an English love-song on one of the
pillars of the half-ruined church at Duxford :
"With wiel my herte is wa
& closyd ys w*- care
L & S sekurly
[Ca] use me to syth full far
I &
...for to smarte
V &...Y withall
..joy come to thin hert."
^ It may be well to mention here that by experience I find far the best
rubbings can be made with a good (2d.) indelible pencil, and on the thin tough
paper commonly sold nowadays in 6(L correspondence tablets. The pencil
should be sharpened at both ends, otherwise it may wear out before the
inscription is fully rubbed, which causes great difficulties.
G. G. COULTON
But to return to our Latin saws. At Gamlingay is an
inscription in large sprawling letters (Plate IX); "mors com-
paratur umbre que semper sequitur corpus " — " death is like
a shadow which always follows the body." At Harlton is " si
servire velis...immittere del...," evidently meant for a hexa-
meter, but beyond my skill to decipher : as is also another in
the same church, "Quod nonvis longas...propheta [fatigas]."
A third at Harlton runs qui me deridet non sua facta videt "
— " he who laughs at me sees not his own deeds." Before passing
away from the subject altogether, one or two may be recorded
which are not figured in these plates. At Ashwell we find "...
...autem Domini sordidi et fetentes"; "non [hac] arte [pre-
munt] pungentes cornua [spinas] " and (magnificent specimen
of dog-Latin) " Superbia precedit fallum." At Little Dunmow
is a curious motto for a monastic church "Dum sumus in
mundo, vivamus corde jocundo " ; and at St Gregory's, Sudbury,
on the tower-arch, a saw which Werner quotes also from a Bale
MS., "non est in mondo dives qui dicit habondo " — "there is
not a rich man in the world who says ' I have enough.' "
Let us now return to Plate IX. One Stanstede has
recorded his name elaborately at Harlton ; at Lavenham and
Beachamwell is a puzzling £ft, in both cases on the western
tower ; and at Harlton there is in the same place an equally
large and legible e. In. none of these three cases is there any
trace of an emblem of the Trinity. I can only conjecture that
these marks are masons' memoranda of some sort. , , -
Plate X. Among the commonest graffiti are Roman
numerals, sometimes indicating dates, but in many cases
certainly referring to business accounts. On the tower-arch of
Walpole.St Peter's is a record of a considerable amount spent
for stone. At Duxford St Peter'syin the splay of the window
behind the priest's seat, is " Robertus Ba (?) hie obligatur di i
marc," which evidently records a debt of half a mark. On the f
piscina at Harlton is recorded a series of shillings and pence \
over the signature of " Elena Crowed" On Gt Dunmow tower- \
arch are similar notes of money and one legible item "oyll."
At Thaxted on one of the pillars is "P. Kyng iij s."
1 The Walpole and Harlton examples are not on this plate.
MEDIEVAL GRAFFITI
59
Plate X shows other business or clerical inscriptions. At
Babraham " Dominus Johannes Hede funus celebravit " ; also
on the base of one of the north pillars " [Beverach ?] & Kateryn
Sant offyrit this gobjdte. [Beverach ?]." Gohhet was a medieval
term for a large block of stone : no doubt these two contributed
the cost of the block from which the base was wrought. At
Harlton on a N. pillar; "orate pro anima Thome [ ]
Cujus anime propicietur Deus amen." On the Swynford
tomb at Lincoln, or on a pillar beside it, " Oliverus Lowode
Capellanus de [Husse]." At Duxford St John's "Dominus
Johannes Ranaldson [bis]. Mundi salvatrix sis michi A
propiciatrix Amen." It is evident that Sir John Ranaldson
misplaced his ejaculatory Ah ! which should come after salvatrix.
Most interesting of all is an inscription on the pillar between
the choir and the S. chapel at Whittlesford. It reads " Frater
Fenis apostata " ; Fenis is evidently Fiennes, a name which is
spelt Fenys in the Greyfriars' Chronicle of London recently
edited by Mr C. L. Kingsford. This is dated, in contemporary
Arabic numerals, 1388, and was evidently cut on the stone
before the Perpendicular screen was put in its present place.
This date is extremely interesting, since the internal evidence
would have dated this pillar a hundred years later. It is
scarcely possible to suppose that the stone is of earlier date
j than the rest, and that it was re-chiselled by masons of 1480
without touching the inscription. It would seem to confirm
very strongly a theory to which some students of Perpendicular
3 architecture have already been driven by other evidence — that
\ the style ran very quickly through almost all its variations,
i! and that what seems to us late Perpendicular was sometimes
I middle Perpendicular.
\ Plate XI gives specimens of religious emblems, a very
frequent form of graffiti: three vernicles, a lily, a crown, and
the sacred monogram, which is to be found almost everywhere.
Plate XIL The costume of the Whittlesford archer shows
him to be medieval ; the Gamlingay mill and crossbow are
i probably medieval also. Rough coats of arms are very common
I indeed; sometimes (as at Kingston) the name is given; though
' I cannot read it.
60
G. G. COULTON
Plate XIII contains more elaborate drawings. The Church-
down (Gloucs.) mermaid, if the letters belong to it, must be
post-medieval. The monk at Little Dunmow, and a very-
delicate peacock in the porch at Churchdown (not here repro-
duced) are evidently by practised artists. The Sible Hedfngham
hawk is copied from the carved hawks on the cenotaph of the
great condottiere Sir John Hawkwood, which stands just
opposite.
Plate XIV. The Babraham lion is evidently heraldic, and
the added name seems to be Snape. The Rickling inscription
is the most elaborate of its kind I have seen; it is on both
sides of the priest's door. It is evidently a tribute to the
mutual affection of Isabel and Colin Walden. The numbers
(IX, 45, 2435) had doubtless a mystical signification to Colin
and Isabel. The heart and three roses had its parallel (as we
have seen in Plate X) at Babraham : the motto tout dis is, of
course, old French for toujour s.
Plate XV. The Pentney and Barnston figures seem, by their
hoods, to be 14th or 15th century. The Stebbing helmet
has a wing for its crest. At Babraham is a chalice on one of
the pillars, and the Duxford rose is on the jamb of the priest's
door.
The Gloucester examples are part of a most interesting
series of masons' records. At the back of almost every niche
in the reredos of the Lady Chapel, is a rudely-sketched figure
of a saint, with the name scrawled across it in illiterate hand-
writing, far less cursive in its character than are the ordinary
graffiti. The examples given here are Margarete, Babtiste,
Arilda (a Gloucester female saint), Sofonie, and Henos (i.e.
Zephaniah and Enoch). At St Albans are similar notes of
subjects to be painted on the S. choir piers — "Samson ludi-
ficatus" ; " legem domini." The oak-leaf was evidently scratched
by a practised hand ; a similar oak-leaf, drawn on the magni-
ficent chantry-tomb in the N. nave aisle of Sens Cathedral,
can be proved to be not later than 1490.
The other three inscriptions on this Plate are very
tantalizing. The first two occur on the tower-arch at Sible
Hedingham about six feet from the ground on exactly
MEDIEVAL GRAFFITI
61
correspondiDg stones of the north and south piers. Like most of
the Gloucester inscriptions (and some others which I have
noticed whose masonic origin is also probable), these letters
seem to have been scratched with the end of a very narrow
chisel rather than with the point of a knife. The Horningsea
inscription, moreover, is in a position in which it would have
been almost impossible to make it when the stone was in its
present position (west side of entrance arch into south porch,
a few feet above the spring of the arch). We are driven to
the conclusion that the letters were inscribed upon the stone
by the workman who had it before him on the banker. Even
Mr Rogers is puzzled by the inscriptions, which are so similar
as to suggest that the same word is intended in each case,
and I have vainly searched architectural glossaries for any
medieval word like these. Before passing on from Horningsea
it may be remarked that on the other side of the same arch
I " [ ] de Templo " has inscribed his name.
I The last class of inscriptions to which I come is that of
masons' drawings (Plate XVI). One well-known example of
I such drawings is in the Archaeological Museum at Cambridge,
I a slab of clunch from the old chapel of St John's College, upon
which a 13th century mason had worked out a simple design
; for tracery. Other far more complicated working-drawings are
figured in an early volume of Didron's Annates ArMologiques ;
they are scratched (if I may trust my memory) on the grey
slabs of slate which take the place of lead as an outer covering
for the aisle roofs at the Cathedral of Limoges. At Castleacre
• Priory in Norfolk, in the late seventies or very early eighties,
the outer coat of whitewash peeled bodily away from the
• pointed recess on the west side of the south transept ; and this
' left bare, upon the original rough plaster below, a sketch of
a flowing decorated window which had evidently been drawn
with a point while the plaster was wet. You could see the
burr thrown up as the point swept along. This sketch was 3
or 3J feet high, and, though hastily drawn, very elaborate. I
foolishly neglected to take any drawing of it ; and, in a year or
. two, another frost brought most of the plaster down as suddenly
j as the earlier coat had fallen. Two years ago there remained
62
G. G. COULTON
only a few inches here and there, quite unintelligible to a
stranger. The four examples collected on Plate XVI are of the
same kind, scratched on pillars in every case. If proof were
needed that these are rough sketches by actual masons, and
not attempts by some worshipper to copy what he saw in the
church, it may be noted that in none of these four cases do
the sketches correspond with any existing window.
I may add that I have lately found considerable numbers
of medieval graffiti in foreign churches, e.g. Calais, Arques,
Bures, Guarbecques, Sens Cathedral, the porches of Notre
Dame and St-Benigne at Dijon, and, above all, the pulpitum
of the old Cathedral (Valere) at Sion in the Yalais. This
pulpitum of about 1260 has its upper part covered with plaster
of Paris, apparently contemporary with the rest ; and this
plaster, now as hard and smooth as marble, is covered with
drawings and writings which seem to date from the early
14th century, — texts and moral saws, artists' notes, and very
spirited drawings of mounted knights, duels, &c. I am more
and more convinced that some traces at least of such graffiti
will be found in almost all churches where the material permits
them, and the restorer has not swept them away. This Society
will do an excellent work if it can continue systematically the
study of such ancient inscriptions, and warn the clergy not to
destroy them during the process, however necessary, of removing
whitewash.
G. G. CoULTON.
mb. Ant. Soc. Vol. XIX
Plate VI.
Graffiti, see p. 54.
Camb. Ant. Soc. Vol. XIX
Plate m
homo S,x^ ^
(911 ^eplief
dot ai^iu [
Graffiti, see p. 55.
imb. Ant. Soc. Vol. XIX
Plate VIII.
Ash well
Graffiti, see p. 56.
C. A. S. Comm. Vol. XIX.
6
Camb. Ant. Soc. Vol. XIX
Graffiti, see p. 58.
amb. Ant. Soc. Vol. XIX
Plate X.
Graffiti, see pp. 58-59.
6—2
Camb. Ant. Soc. Vol. XIX
Plate
amb. Ant. Soc. Vol. XIX
Plate Xn.
Graffiti, see p. 59.
Camb. Ant. Soc. Vol. XIX
Plate XI
imb. Ant. Soc. Vol. XIX
Plate XIV.
Graffiti, see p. 60.
Camb. Ant. Soc. Vol. XIX
Plate
Graffiti, see pp. 60-61.
iamb. Ant. Soc. Vol. XIX
Plate XVI.
t
I
i
i
ACOUSTIC VASES IN CHURCHES
63
Acoustic Vases in Churches traced back to
THE Theatres and Oracles of Greece.
By T. M^Kenny Hughes, M.A., F.R.S., F.G.S., F.S.A.
(Read February 15, 1915.)
CONTENTS.
PAGE
A. Introduction, Milton 63
B. Decorative substitution, modification of original struc-
ture and traditional use of objects of which the
original intention had been lost or misunderstood . 64
C. Urns and cylinders built into vaults and arches to
lighten without weakening 66
D. HoUow objects placed under floors or in walls with a
view to increasing sound 69
E. Urns built into walls to produce resonance . .71
F. Awe-inspiring surroundings of oracular sites . . 79
A.
Introduction.
The oracles are dumb,
No voice or hideous hum
Runs through the arched roof in words deceiving.
Apollo from his shrine
Can no more divine
With hollow shriek the steep of Delphos leaving.
No nightly trance or breathed spell
Inspires the pale-eyed priest from the prophetic cell.
What had Milton in his mind when he wrote " hideous
hum"? I have often asked that question, but have never
received a satisfactory answer. The idea will hardly commend
64
PROFESSOR HUGHES
itself to our notice that Milton, being like some common song
writers, at a loss for a rhyme, put in a jingling alliteration
which had no more meaning than if he had said " No voice, fi
fe fo fum."
Moreover, a little further on he says :
In consecrated earth
And on the holy hearth
The Lars and Lemures moan with midnight plaint;
In urns and altars round
A drear and dying sound
Affrights the Flamens at their service quaint:
And the chill marble seems to sweat,
While each peculiar power foregoes his wonted seat.
What does he mean by the drear and dying sound which
was heard in urns and around the altar ? Why mention the 1
arched roof and hollow shriek ?
He was a fine classical scholar, familiar not only jvith the
language but also with the literature of classic writers, and his
long residence in Italy must have given him abundant oppor-
tunities of verifying or correcting impressions. The author of
the great epic of Paradise Lost and Regained cannot have
passed with unobservant eye over any allusion to the relation
of man to the unseen world.
Milton must have deliberately chosen those words and have
believed that they would meet with an intelligent response in
the minds of his readers.
In his time there must have been a belief that awe-inspiring
noises accompanied the oracular responses and that moans
seemed to issue from urns and altars in the midnight cele-
bration of ancient mysteries.
B.
Decorative substitution.
Very often the use of an object is kept up although its
structural intention has been lost sight of. It is traditionally
repeated, and a simply decorative purpose or a real advantage,
quite different from that of the original, is found to exist in it.
ACOUSTIC VASES IN CHURCHES
65
A good example we have frequently brought before us in
the bases of mediaeval earthen vessels. When the thin clay
bottom sagged, and caused the base to be round and unstable,
a small bit of clay was stuck on, forming a sort of calkin, or
the base of the vessel was pinched where necessary to produce
the same result; then these impressions were made symmet-
ricall}^ or even all round, and, at last, they became merely an
ornamental pattern of no use.
Or, to take a less obvious case, the best form of bracket for
roof or ceiling is given by three pieces radiating upward from
an upright beam as in the spring of a groined roof, and these
became decorative and elaborated into the bucranium of the
ancients or the cherubs of mediaeval times, which afterwards
were often merely painted on.
Fig. 2. Fig. 3.
An urn was often built into the masonry of the fireplace as
a charm against the house being burnt down. That might
easily arise from the ancient custom of placing urns in the
chancels of churches. When its use for resonance was lost
sight of it was believed to be a protection against evil, and, if
66
PROFESSOR HUGHES
placed by the altar of public worship, why not by the household
ingle ?
Why should ,we crave a hallowed spot?
An altar is in each man's cot. Wordsworth.
c.
Urns, &c.y built into arches for structural purposes.
There is no doubt that earthenware pipes can be advan-
tageously used for building, and have been so used, especially
in arches where strength and lightness were required.
I exhibit some cylindrical vessels (Plate XVII) which were
found built into that portion of the arched roof of Cockerell's
Building, at the University Library, that was removed to make
way for the staircase.
They are 7J inches long by 4f inches in diameter and
somewhat resemble a beretta in form, only that they are
higher in proportion to their diameter. They are circular at
one end, but at the other they are flattened into a four-sided
figure measuring 4f inches each way. Both ends are closed ;
the square end has a slight depression in it, and the circular
end has a hole in it f of an inch across like that in the bottom
of a flower pot. The exterior is covered with grooves irregularly
produced by marking the clay when soft with a pointed instru-
ment. This was probably to help the adhesion of the mortar
in which they were imbedded.
These cylinders certainly do look as if they had been made
to serve some such purpose as the production of resonance, and
I know of no other object with which to suggest comparison.
But, whatever they may have been originally made for, it was
clear from their manner of occurrence in the masonry that they
cannot possibly have been put into Cockerell's Building for
acoustic purposes : they appeared to have been carefully built
in to add to the mass and the strength without increasing
the weight to the same extent as would solid stone, bricks or
mortar. It is most probable that these earthen cylinders came |
from some earlier building where they had been built in for |
acoustic purposes, and were used with other old material in the '
Camb. Ant. Soc. Vol. XIX
Plate XVII, p. 66
Earthen Vessels from CockerelFs lUiiKling.
ACOUSTIC VASES IN CHURCHES
67
erection of Cockerell's Building and put where they would
lighten without weakening the arched roof.
With these specimens before us it is very interesting to read
the following descriptions^ The first is of one of the tubes or
hollow cylindrical bricks of red terra-cotta discovered among
the ruins of the tomb of the Scipios in the Via Appia at Rome.
It measures seven inches in length, and about two inches and
a quarter in diameter ; it is surrounded by a spiral channel to
afford a firm holding for the mortar ; and at the closed end
there is a conical spike which fitted into the open mouth of the
next brick.
Another from the church of S. Vitalis at Ravenna "is of
red terra-cotta slightly curved to coincide with the arc of the
cupola. There is a broad spiral groove on the exterior, and the
usual short conic stem or spike at the hollow end. It is nine
inches and three-eighths in length and two inches and three-
fourths in diameter."
At Aries, Strasburg, and in many Spanish churches, horns
and pots and vases have been found built into the vaulted roofs.
"Some have supposed that these vessels were placed there for
acoustic purposes, the idea being drawn from the Echea of the
Greek and Roman theatres, but there can be little doubt that
in these cases they were introduced for the sake of lightness."
Another example from London Wall is given by the same
author, and is worth quoting because the description agrees
almost exactly with that of our hollow bricks from Cockerell's
Building. It measures, he says, "seven inches and a half
in height, and weighs three pounds and half an ounce ; it is
square at top and four inches in diameter, the lower end
circular, impressed with five concentric rings, and having an
orifice in its centre, seven-eighths of an inch in diameter. The
cylindrical body of the brick is scored with a sharp instrument,
not for the sake of ornament, but as a key for the mortar, some
of which still adheres to the surface, and might pass for Ronum
Cement. It has been thought by some that the arch of whicli
this specimen is a portion was the remains of a music room, tlic
1 H. Syer Cuming, Journ. Brit. Archacol. J.s.sor-., Vol. xvi. (Pioc),
pp. 359—363.
68 PROFESSOR HUGHES |
hollow bricks serving for echea," but others were of opinion [ (
that these bricks were made hollow simply for the sake of
lightness.
Hollow, or, as they are sometimes called "bottle" bricks,
and " cones," were extensively employed in the eighteenth and |
nineteenth centuries in London and Liverpool for lightening the :
masonry in public buildings. {
" In Upper Egypt, the walls of the peasants' houses are very 1
frequently constructed in part of jars placed one over the other,
and cemented together with mud. In walls of inclosures, or J
in such as require only a slight roof, the upper part is very |
generally formed of the same materials...." As "pot walls were j
in common use by the ancient inhabitants, the large mounds j
of broken pottery may be satisfactorily accounted for^." |
"The Roman builders introduced vessels and tubes into I
their noblest edifices I"
I have here (Plate XYIII) a photograph taken by Mrs Hughes
of the interior of a room in Pompeii where there is a row of
narrow amphorae carefully placed in a vertical position with the j
mouth up and built into the top of one of the walls. Whenever }
we have had good reason for believing that such objects were j
built in in this country to give strength with lightness they
appear to have been laid sideways, but in the east, where the ,
traditions of a remote past still linger, such vessels are often ,
connected by rods and projecting points fitting into correspond- |
ing hollows in the adjoining tube in such a manner as to suggest
that they represent the jointed bamboos of which their houses [
were originally built.
From this common use of urns in building it is probable
that the wind was often heard whistling and sighing in them
and producing musical notes, and this may have suggested
their introduction into the surroundings of shrines and temples
and at last into Christian churches.
At any rate there they are found, whatever may have been '!
the object in putting them in. '
1 Burckhardt, Travels in Nubia, Vol. i.- p. 94, 1822. I
2 H. Syer Cuming, Journ. Brit. Archaeol. Assoc., Vol. xvi. (1860), p. 360. \
Seroux d'Agincourt, The History of Art by its Monuments, Vol. i.
Camb. Ant. Soc. Vol. XIX
Plate XVIII, p. 68
by Mrs Hughes.
t
I
i
r
ACOUSTIC VASES IN CHURCHES
69
D.
Hollow bodies placed under floors and in walls to improve sound.
Those who are familiar with rocky mountain paths must
often have noticed that their footfall calls forth in places a
hollow booming answer, which is due generally to the washing
out of the earth from between the stones by subterranean
runlets leaving the fragments supported by one another with
empty interstitial spaces.
Brewster^ says " a remarkable subterranean echo is often
heard when the hoof of a horse or the wheels of a carriage pass
over particular spots of ground. This sound is frequently very
similar to that which is produced in passing over an arch or
vault." He refers it to the reflection of the sound from the
surfaces of broken rock having hollows " left entirely empty or
filled up with materials of different density" from which there
arises ''a great number of echoes reaching the ear in rapid
succession, and forming by their union a hollow rumbling
sound."
He then describes the peculiar hollow sound which I have
myself often heard when a particular place in the great crater
near Pozzuoli is struck violently by throwing a large stone
against it I
This very appreciable effect is produced by the existence of
hollow spaces yielding echoing sounds to blows, and is called
repercussion or reverberation.
But when we get the note played on a violin reproduced on
another violin attuned to it ; or the notes of a chord, sung in
arpeggio, blended in harmony in a domed roof; or sounds
bellowing through a cavern, or whispered from a bronze or
earthen vessel, then we have something different, to which we
must restrict the name resonance.
The Rev. T. Whiteside told me an interesting story which
shows the prevalence of the belief that hollow objects placed
1 Brewster, Sir David, Letters on Natural Magic, 1883, Letter vii, p. 224.
Herschel. Dauberry, Description of Volcanoes, p. 170. Forbes, Edin.
Journ. Sci., n.s. No. 1, p. 124. Serope, "Considerations on volcanoes, itc,"
Edin. Journ. Sci., No. 20, p. 261, and No. 14, p. 265.
C. A. S. Comvi. Vol. XIX. «
70
PROFESSOR HUGHES
beneath the floor would aid and improve musical notes
produced in the room above them.
His story is this : " My father about the year 1860, when
he was Perpetual Curate of Thrimby... while visiting at Thrimby
Hall (Nicholsons)..., saw in the garden a heap of horses' heads
which were now discoloured by exposure. On enquiry he was
told they had been taken from under the parlour floor, where
they had been placed for purposes of sound by the tenants who
were a musical family.... The heads were supposed to have been
collected after a skirmish at Clifton Moor." I exhibit one of
them.
The boards on the ground floor would probably gape
enough to allow the air and sound to pass freely through, and
therefore there may have been resonance as well as reverberation
in this case, and we must remember this when we come to
consider the amphorae under the floor in the Vestal Virgins'
room (see p. 82).
Mr Thomas Blashill^ gives two similar cases.
"The idea," he says, "that an object of some kind, of a
hollow form, might be used in building for increasing and
improving sound has been carried out at a much later date "
than that which had been assigned to the custom. " One
curious instance," he adds, " impressed itself very much on my
mind. The objects used in the instance to which I refer were
not pots, but the skulls of horses. Any one who knows the
anatomy of the horse knows that there are very large cavities
in [horses'] skulls, in fact they are most remarkable and peculiar
in that respect ; and therefore if the skull of any animal be fit
for such a purpose, that one would be selected. Thirty years
ago I was present at a gathering in a large room in an old inn,
called the Port way, about eight miles west of Hereford. Some-
thing brought the matter to the recollection of the landlord,
and he stated that the floor of the room in which we were
sitting was laid over a quantity of horses' skulls ; he had been
told indeed that two cartloads had been put there. I asked
the reason, and he said 'to make the fiddle go better.' It was
a place where music and dancing sometimes went on. I was
1 Trans. E. Inst. Brit. Architects, 1882, p. 83.
ACOUSTIC VASES IN CHURCHES
71
there two or three years ago, and they were altering the
building. The place was surrounded by scaffolding, and on the
top of every scaffold pole was a horse's skull. It was a nine-
days' wonder, and the workmen had decorated the building
with these strange objects. The way they were found was
thus: Twenty-four of them were screwed through the eye-holes
to the under-side of the floor-boards in three rows. It was the
ground floor, and nine of them were too much decayed to be
examined. It would be necessary to test that room both with
and without the skulls, and therefore I cannot say whether
they made an\" difference.
" I remember also," Mr Blashill goes on to say, " a para-
graph in the papers about twelve or fifteen years since, v/here
it was mentioned that in removing a floor, I think it was in
Lancashire, the main beam was found to have been laid on
horses' skulls."
It will be noticed that the skull from Thrimby has been
chipped on one side as if to make it lie close and evenly against
the boards. *
Few people would notice and fewer place on record such
occurrences. Since I read this paper Dr Holden of Sudbury
has sent me the following :
"In 1908 an old brick and stone wall, which was the only
surviving part of the ruins of the Dominican Friary at Sudbury
— dating 1272 — had to be demolished ; a layer of bones was
found, laid the length of the wall (20 feet) and two feet above
the ground. The bones were chiefly the tibias of the small ox
of that period."
E.
Urns placed in walls for resonance.
What we have arrived at so far is that urns and other
hollow bodies were built into masonry where lightness was
sought combined with strength, and that hollow objects were
placed under floors in the belief that that would assist music
in the room above.
6—2
72
PROFESSOR HUGHES
I pass over the methods of deception which Brewster^ has
so fully described, and we will now consider cases where there
is good reason for the explanation that vessels were put in for
acoustic purposes.
These have been found in various positions according to
the shape and character of that part of the building in which
they were placed. Some are said to have had the mouth of the
urn or cylinder opening on the outside of the building, and this
may explain the statement that they were used as dove-cots.
It may be that the effect of the voice or of the rising and
falling wind upon some of these hollow bricks may have
suggested the idea of putting them in on purpose to produce
resonance.
The architect Vitruvius gave exact instructions how to
place in a theatre bronze vessels so attuned, according to com-
mentators^ as to respond some to one, some to other notes in
the actors' voices, and increase their audibility.
His are the only clear descriptions of what was aimed at,
and what was achieved, and from him everybody traces the
placing of vases in public buildings down to comparatively
recent times and back to the theatres of Rome and Greece and
to the awe-inspiring rituals of the earliest ages.
Vitruvius says that there was no arrangement of vases to
give resonance in the Roman theatres, because these were
chiefly constructed of wood, which is very resonant. But we
require more knowledge of the details. Canon Pemberton tells
me that the panelled room now occupied by the hospitable
Vice-Master of Trinity, and therefore well known to almost
everybody, is the worst room for music that he has ever
played in.
Vitruvius does not bring forward a new acoustic scheme for
assisting and improving the propagation of sound. He records
a system in use ; and there is much to suggest that it was
widely used^.
1 Letters on Natural Magic, 1883, Letter vii.
2 Cf. The Dictionary of Architecture, Architectural Publication Soc, Vol. iii.,
sub vac. "Echeium."
3 See Brash, R. R., The Gentleman^s Magazine, Dec. 1863.
ACOUSTIC VASES IN CHURCHES
73
lu many of the examples cited of hollow objects placed
under floors there is an obvious similarity to the system
described by Vitruvius where the tilted bells communicated
by passages with the open theatre.
There are however a number of cases on record in which
vessels have been found inserted in the masonry of churches in
such a manner as to give the impression that some sort of
resonance was aimed at, although the possibility of producing
it was often destroyed in later times by plastering over or
otherwise covering the mouth of the vessel when the utility or
desirability of the structure was questioned.
In the fifteenth century earthenware pots were placed in
the walls of the church of the Celestins at Metz^, and it is on
record that they were put in in order to give resonance and
assist the singing, and in 1665 the Abbe Cochet^ complains
that the choirs of religious houses are so fitted with jars in the
vaults and in the walls that six voices there make as much
noise as forty elsewhere.
Here again some difficulties have to be explained. Many
of the most remarkable examples have the urns so placed or so
covered as to render them useless for producing resonance.
In most of these cases it is probable that they were built in
by workmen who had no knowledge of the way in which they
became effective, and ignorantly carried out incomplete instruc-
tions; while in other cases they may have reconciled their work to
themselves by noting that hollow spaces when struck produced
by reverberation loud booming noises, and there is no doubt
that for intoning or recitative the reverberation produced by
percussion from hollow spaces as well as by resonance from
open chambers properly adjusted and attuned would effectively
add to the volume of sound.
When, however, attention had been called to the frequent
discovery of vases built into the walls of churches and discussion
had arisen as to their purpose the custom was not always dis-
missed as an attempt to impose upon an ignorant and credulous
1 Didron, Annales Archeologiqiies, Vol. xxii. 1862, p. 224.
2 Precis Analytique des Travaux de VAcademie Imperiale de Rouen, 1863-4,
Rouen, Boissel.
74
PROFESSOR HUGHES
public — " joiiyr a plaisir aux foulx " — or as a ridiculous notion —
" ecce risu digna\" but the subject was from time to time
brought forward in the press or at meetings of Archaeological
Societies.
Fig. 7, Fig. 8.
<- 6i luT >
Fig. 9. Fig. 10.
The paper by the Rev. G. W. W. Minns^ is of exceptional
interest because it gives the results of enquiries from original
1 Chronicle of the Gelestins of Metz, 1432. Bouteiller, Ernest de, 1862,
Notice sur le Convent des Celestins de Metz. Didron, Annales Archeologiques,
1862. Viollet-le-Duc, Dictionnaire raisonne de V Architecture Frangaise.
2 Norfolk Archaeology, Vol. vii. 1872, p. 93; cf. ib. iv. p. 352; vi. p. 382;
VIII. 1879, p. 331. Cf. also Phipson, The Builder, 1863, p. 893.
Camb. Ant Soc. Vol. XIX
^ ^ I!— ill
Plate XIX, p. 75
Plan . S! Peters Mancroft . Peter's per Moimter^ate .
AA . Scite of Trencli & Wall containing Acoustic Jars .
Peter's T>er Mounterd ate ,
A
. Ckoir stall
B
.Book Board
C
. Trencli
D
. OpeninrS
E
. Low rubMe wall
T
Acoustic Jar
iloor Hue of Cliancel
ACOUSTIC POTTERY tn NORWICH CHURCHES
ACOUSTIC VASES IN CHURCHES
75
observers with illustrations of the manner of occurrence of the
vessels. Some of these pictures, reproduced from the original
blocks, I am able to give by the kindness of the author and
through the good offices of his son, our President.
After a short notice of previous observations he describes
the vessels found embedded in masonry under the seats in the
choir of the churches of St Peter Mancroft and St Peter
Mountergate in Norwich. The vessels in this case were jugs
and jars such as were in common use in the fourteenth century
Fig. 11.
I (Figs. 7, 8, 9, 10, p. 74) and were built into the walls of passages
I with the mouths of the vessels opening into the passages and
I the passages opening into the choir, as shown in Figs. I, II, III
I on Plate XIX.
I Our President has also kindly furnished the following
I description of the discovery of acoustic vases in the Chapel ot
Pembroke College. This also is of special interest not only
because it refers to a local discovery, but also because the jug
76
PROFUSSOR HtTGHES
(Fig. 11) which he exhibited obviously belongs to the fourteenth
century.
This jug, with six others, was found in the north wall of the
Old Library of Pembroke College during the restorations of
1881. They were all found in similar situations to the
accompanying rough sketch which I sketched on the spot."
T. T. S.
" The above note gives all that can be recovered as to the
jugs found in the Old Library, formerly the Chapel, of Pembroke
College. It is accompanied by two sketches by T. T. Stoakley,
formerly College Porter. They are in fair agreement with one
another, and the above figure follows them even in such details
as the size of the bricks about the niche. As the jug measures
9-|- inches high and 6 J inches across its greatest width, this would
make the niche about 16J inches high and 12 inches across,
and the bricks as represented IJ by 4 inches, which is impos-
sible. But the niche is probably fairly accurate. The jug is
of hard black ware, and is ascribed to the fourteenth century.
It is preserved in the College Library. I think Stoakley
told me once that the niches were under the floor."
Ellis H. Minns.
In the church of St Nicholas^ in Ipswich also there were
vessels found similarly placed in the sides of sleeper walls upon
which the wood floor of the chancel rested.
The much discussed discovery of vases under the floor of
Fountains Abbey^ is another similar case.
All these appear to be attempts to carry out Vitruvius'
system, and indicate the belief in the efficacy of intramural
resonators.
Mr Gordon M. Hills^ has contributed an admirable descrip-
tion of the character and mode of occurrence of many of the
1 Journ. Arch. Inst., Vol. vi. 1849, p. 76 ; 1855, p. 276.
2 Walbran, M. E., The Builder, 1854, pp. 342, 343; Trans. Yorks. Architect
Soc. 1854-5; Ripon, Studley, Fountains Abbey, Harrogate, &c., 1862.
3 Trans. R. Inst. British Architects, Session 1881-2, p. 6^.
ACOUSTIC VASES IN CHURCHES
77
vessels commonly called acoustic vases which have been found
embedded in the masonry of churches.
In the church of St Laurent-en-Caux, Dondeville, there was
a vase in one of the angles of the choir, entirely enveloped in
mortar. It was conical at one end, flat at the other, and was
closed at both ends, but it had a sort of spout which appeared
at the surface of the wall\ I am able to reproduce a figure of
this vessel (Fig. 12) from the block prepared in illustration of
the paper by the Rev. G. W. W. Minns.
Fig. 12.
Viollet-le-Duc^ says that he has frequently seen the
"acoustic pots" in the choirs of churches of the twelfth and
thirteenth centuries.
In the church of St Olave at Chichester jars were found
built into the east-end wall of the chancel. The jars were
placed on their sides, the mouths facing inwards to the church.
The east window was of the fourteenth century.
Just above a thirteenth century arcade in the chancel of
Denford Church in Northamptonshire there were openings in
the stone facings of the wall within which were the mouths of
jars lying on their sides.
1 Crochet, op. cit. Minns, op. cit. p. 97.
2 Dictionnaire, Article "Pota acoustiques."
78
PROFESSOR HUGHES
111 St Clement's Church at Sandwich in Kent a similar
discovery was made, but here the pots were filled with mortar.
Some of these urns have been put under the floor, some in
the walls, and some in the arches.
Some have been placed with the mouth of the vase opening
into the building, some with the whole vessel so buried in
masonry as to throw doubt upon the idea of their having been
intended to produce resonance, and some have the neck turned
towards the interior of the building, but have been plastered
over or covered with a slip of wood and then plastered over.
The simple explanation seems to be that some have been
used according to a well-known ancient method of construction
in order to give body and strength with lightness of material
to vaults and arches — that some have been placed there with a
view to aiding the propagation of sound as suggested in certain
cases by experience and supported by scientific instructions;
while others are found where neither of these objects could be
attained, and we must assume that they were put in in ignorance
according to a misunderstood traditional method, or subsequently
plastered over at the open end, or filled up altogether, or perhaps
moved from their original position.
It does not appear to be necessary that the vessels should
be embedded in masonry ; indeed we may suppose that in some
situations they would be more effective if they stood free in
suitably constructed openings in the wall. The grey earthen
jugs found in the old chapel, now the Library of Pembroke,
stood in the north wall of the chapel in separate small recesses,
the character of which is shown in Fig. 11.
There are many examples of the occurrence of such recesses
which various authors^ have assumed to have been intended for
the reception of vases.
Behind all these examples we may fairly look for earlier
practices dimly shadowing forth some scientific idea which was
dying out for want of the support which would be gained by
proved efficiency, but large enough and certain enough to make
it worth following up.
One source of error in the examination of these instances is
^ Hills, op. cit. p. 67.
ACOUSTIC VASES IN CHURCHES
79
that it is often difficult to determine whether the vessels are
found where and how they w^ere originally placed : for, if they
were originally tilted like the bell-shaped vases of Vitruvius, or
if they had been originally placed with open mouths opening
into open cavities, though subsequently covered with mortar,
they come under the head of disused resonators, rather than
reverberators, that is hollow spaces giving out booming sounds
junder the influence of percussion. Of these last I do not think
I can offer any satisfactory examples in mediaeval times.
F.
Resonato7'S and Echoes on Oracular Sites.
If then we can trace this belief back to the time of Vitruvius
and find that he was only explaining a system then in wide-
spread use, let us see how far the ancient cults made use of the
solemnizing influence of strange sounds to control the unruly
faith of novices and compel the acceptance of the priests'
nterpretation of what the suppliant himself had heard but
bad not understood.
Alongside the belief in the prophetic power of the oracle
:here soon sprang up a scepticism as to the real character of
jhe phenomena. Was it divine inspiration or demoniacal
possession or altogether an imposture ? Was the Salficov a
amiliar spirit more like a guardian angel, or a devil deceiving
nan and leading him astray ?
The references in classic authors and in later writers of less
lOte w^ere collected to illustrate what was really thought of
>racular manifestations in their time. Such a collection is
;iven by Gallaeus\
When at the birth of Christ it was said " The Oracles are
lumb" there was a new development of the old conlroversies —
nd we have the opinions of the Fathers laid before us and
arious explanations offered of the Pythonesses and demoniacal
I'ossession.
^ Servatius Gallaeus, Dissertationes de Sihyllis earunique OracuUs. Amstelo-
ami, 1688.
80
PROFESSOR HUGHES
A good example of the arguments made use of in this i j
counection we have in a treatise with the following long title : '
" An Answer to Mr de Fontenelle's History of Oracles in which :
Mr Van-Dale's System concerning the Authors of the Heathen :
Oracles, and the Cause and Time of their Silence is confuted: \
and the Opinion of the Fathers upon that Subject vindicated. ;
Translated from the French. With some Reflections upon the !
Remarks of Mr Le Clerc, in his Bibliotheque Choisie, in a |
Preface. By a Priest of the Church of England. To which is |
prefixed a Letter to the Translator by the Reverend George |
Hicks, D.D. London. Printed by W. B. for Henry Clements !
at the Half Moon in St Paul's Churchyard, 1709." I
Whatever may be the value of such treatises, it is largely
to the controversies which gave rise to them that we owe the ]
preservation of the great body of descriptions and explanations *
which enables us to form an opinion as to the belief in and j
the character of oracular manifestations. ]
Many of the places celebrated for oracular responses have
some natural phenomena such as caverns and chasms connected
with them :
Outhewn in cavern was the vast Euboic mountain side,
Whither conduct a hundred mouths a hundred entries wide;
Whence voices hundred rushed abroad, the Sibyl's prophesies.
Such-wise the Sibyl from her cell, the maid Cumaean sings
Her riddles dread — the vaulted cave with bellowing echo rings.
Pausanias saw at Olympia an enclosure sacred to Zeus, close
by the mouth of a great cavern.
The Votary who consulted the oracle of Trophonius had to
take part in terrifying rites and then descend in darkness into
the deep recesses of a cave whose extent and shape were
unknown to him save by the confused echoes of his own voice
and footfalls. He heard no articulate response, but, on his
return, he told the priest all that had occurred to him and his
impressions, and from these the priest drew up an oracular
response.
Brewster says " there is no species of deception more '(
irresistible in its effects than that which arises from the |
I
ACOUSTIC VASES IN CHURCHES
81
uncertainty with which we judge of the direction and distance
of sounds \"
Persons already in a state of nervous tension would readily
yield themselves to the influence of awe-inspiring sounds in
-i solemn surroundings. I have myself heard ghosts, but I was
^ not in the proper frame of mind, so I investigated them and
found them out.
Once in the stillness of the night I was sitting with a friend
in the parlour of an old inn close to the churchyard of a
celebrated Abbey. We both heard a wailing sound, but
neither could say where it came from — both felt that it was
in the room. I opened cupboards, doors, windows ; when I was
tiere, it was there ; when I was there, it was here.
I at last suspected a tall vase with a trumpet-shaped mouth,
md in it found an enormous fly the spread of whose wings
arevented his getting out, so that he hung for a few seconds
juzzing in the neck. If it had been some of you doing
}enance in the churoh instead of me in the inn parlour the
iccount would probably have been different.
Another time I was in an inn in a provincial town with
^1, friend. Our sitting-room was between two other rooms, a
larger and smaller, and had a door into the smaller, but was
ut off from the larger by a wooden partition. Night after
light we heard the rustling of a silk dress — now here, now
here. We rushed out into the passage, one through one door,
ne through the other, but saw nothing. We knew everybody
Q the inn. No one had a silk dress. We waited in the large
early empty room and found that when an outside door was
pened downstairs a draught blew a lot of large placards about
gainst the wooden partition, and the sound, getting through
he cracks, appeared now here — now there — now all about.
In the wild crags between Settle and Austwick there is
cave of that shallow kind which the French call an " abri,"
'nd in it there dwells a bogey known as " Boggart of Cave
la." A servant riding home along the road which runs close by
having taken measures to fortify himself before starting,
nee saw the boggart, which leapt on to his horse in front of
1 Sir David Brewster, Letters on Natural Magic, 1883, Letter vii, p. 231.
82
PROFESSOR HUGHES
him. But it was more ^^ften heard than seen. I have heard it. ,
The site and tumbled debris in the cave suggested- that I
remains of primaeval man and ancient beasts might be found I
there, so I dug it out, and, when I had got to a lower level f
than was at first exposed, I heard a strange combination of I
sounds — wild birds — children — cattle, &c., and soon made out l]
that I was in the focus of sounds collected in the dome-shaped |
roof from all the valley far below. 1 1
We might in this connection adduce numerous examples of I '
sounds naturally produced by the air being forced in or out of 1 1
hollow places in the rocks or even in carved images. On the III
coast of Pembrokeshire near St Davids there is a place called |
Lie sugn, from the loud sucking noise made by the air being j i
drawn back into a cavern, or perhaps from sygan, from the ]
whispers and murmurs it makes when it is being forced out *
through a small aperture by the inrushing wave— and mutatis \
mutandis similar explanations are offered of the sounds heard as . t
the sun falls on or off the pedestals or bodies of hollow images^ hjE
Sir Thomas Browne, in the dedicatory preface to his | |t
Hydriotaphia, records a belief that there were resonators in the < c
Hippodrome in Rome when he says "We cannot but wish I
these urns might have the effect of theatrical vessels and great t
Hippodrome urns in Rome to resound the acclamations and > j
honour due unto you." A footnote explains that this refers to ii
"the great urns in the Hippodrome at Rome, conceived to
resound the voices of people at their shows." 1 1
In one of the lowest rooms of the building assigned to the ( ji
Vestal Virgins in Rome there was an open space with large i(
globular amphorae sawn in half and placed side by side with | jj
the opening down under a floor which was thus raised above j
the original level of the ground. I had no opportunity of
ascertaining whether when first discovered they were not slightly li
tilted so as to act as resonators, as would be suggested by the i
description given by Vitruvius of the arrangement of the brass .
vessels placed between the seats of a theatre for acoustic i r
1 Philostratus, Pausanias, Strabo, Juvenal, refer to the sounds issuing from -i
the statue of Memnon. Sir A. Smith, Eevue Ency dope di que, 1821, T. ix. p. 592;
Dussaulx, Trans. Juvenal. I
I
ACOUSTIC VASES IN CHURCHES
83
purposes. He saj^s that they had to be placed in cavities in
sequence, according to the note to which each responded (see
above, p. 72), with a clear space around and above them ; and,
on the side next the auditorium, they were to be supported by
wedges or blocks at least six inches in height and openings
were to be left through the lower steps. Whether these urns
in the vault-like room in the house of the Vestal Virgins were
intended by resonance to strike terror into the worshipper by
"voice or hideous hum" or when stamped upon to respond in
deep booming reverberations, there must have been some in-
tention in placing them there \
Here was one of the centres of worship and the site of some
of the highest ritual of the Roman cult.
It has been suggested that it was done to keep the room
dry, but if, as is recorded, the spaces between the vessels were
packed with potsherds and other dry rubbish one would think
that it was unnecessary to arrange a series of urns symmetrically
over the floor as well as in order to keep away the damp, but
the interstitial spaces between the potsherds would aid the
echoes and not destroy the resonance of the urns.
Within the Delphic adyton the Pythian priestess sat on a
tripod over a cleft in the rock. The suppliant waited till she
jappeared to be in a state of ecstatic frenzy, when she uttered
incoherent cries and unintelligible words. A priest stood by
her. The suppliant heard but could not understand. The
priest interpreted the will of the god as conveyed in the sounds,
md gave him versified maxims or advice with double meaning
-jO carry away for his guidance. These are briefly the facts
is we have them handed down, but the explanation of the
phenomena opens up a varied and wide field of speculation'-.
1 1 Cf. Jourdan, Vesta, Auer : Notizie degli Sci. 1883; Gilbert, Topogr.;
Huelsen, Rom. Mitth. 1889, 1891, 1892 ; Prof. J. H. Middleton, "The Temple
knd Atrium of Vesta and the Begia," Archaeologia, Vol. xlix. Part 2, 1880,
i). 405; Ancient Rome in 1888, p. 189; Esther Boise Van Deman, The Atrium
Jcstae, Carnegie Institution of Washington 1909, Publication No. 108, p. 32.
am indebted to Commendatore Boui and to Dr Ashby for Idud help and
■ eferences.
2 Cf. Boucher Leclerc, Histoire de la Divination dans Vaiitiqnite ; Caraimno.
^odone.
84
PROFESSOR HUGHES
I!
In the first place we must clearly distinguish between the
inarticulate sounds uttered by the priestess and the ambiguous *
answers elaborated by the priest. Next we must enquire
whether there was anything in the character of the spot so ;
carefully chosen and so rigorously adhered to, to explain the ^
strange condition into which the priestess appears to have j
been thrown. {
Mephitic vapours issuing from the rock have been suggested, j
but no explanation seems to have been offered of their occurrence !'
here. Carbonic acid gas is heavier than atmospheric air, and |
would not rise from subterranean sources except under pressure. {
There are plenty of clefts and chasms in the cavernous limestone j
of Greece, but they are scoured out in the rainy season by the j
torrents which gather on the surface and plunge into the ;
Katabothra, searching out every hole and corner in their under- i
ground passage to the sea. For this reason there is seldom any ?■
accumulation of carbonic acid gas in limestone caves, and there \
is nothing like the solfatara anywhere near Delphi. Supposing I
carbonic acid gas had formerly been forced up here, the effect *
of it would not be to excite the persons subjected to it and f
throw them into a state of frenzy. They would be rendered
insensible by it, as is the dog in the Grotta del Cane ; and i !
anything of that sort which could have affected the priestess
must also have affected the priest who was standing beside |
her.
Moreover, when the French excavations were carried out on :
what was supposed to be the exact site of the oracular mani- ,
festations no cleft or cavern was found, but only artificially \
constructed underground chambers, suggesting quite a different ■
explanation of the phenomena.
We are told that the Pythian priestess sat on a three-legged
stool, a most awkward seat to place over a chasm : one leg must
have gone in.
On another tripod elsewhere we are told there w^as an j
inscription. It would not be easy to place a long inscription j
on a three-legged stool in any position where it would be likely j
to catch the eye. |
But more conclusive is the fact that round the temple of '
ACOUSTIC VASES IN CHURCHES
85
Zeus at Dodona^ there were bronze vessels staudino- on three
feet and hence called tripods. Here the response of the Deity
was obtained from the interpretation put by the priests upon
the rustling of leaves, the cooing of doves, the bubbling of the
brook, but chiefly upon the notes produced by the wind in these
tripods or bronze urns: just as we make children listen to the
sound of the sea in a hollow shell, or perhaps like the attuned
urns described b}^ Vitruvius responding to the various notes of
the human voice, or like an seolian harp rising and falling in
harmony.
On such a vase, we may therefore infer, sat the Pythian
priestess, but in her wild gesticulations she could well have called
into that deep chasm and resounding urn sounds which when
blurred by resonance and reverberation, and carried by the
draughts that issued and by the soughing wind, reached the
suppliant as a shriek and hideous hum, terrifying from the
surroundings, and an awe-inspiring ritual.
The priestess was not an improvisatrice who could turn
out hexameter verses to order. The priests from whom the
' suppliant received his answer took their own time over that,
and the ambiguity which has become proverbially the character-
■ istic of an oracular response, as when Croesus was told that if
jhe went to war he would destroy a great nation, came not from
ithe unintelligible utterances of the frenzied priestess, nor from
I the inarticulate sounds emitted by birds or even issuing from
1 inanimate objects, but was due to the deliberate or self-
' deceptive mystification of the priests.
The suppliant did not hear that uttered, but only a confused
and terrifying noise as of a human being in agony, multiplied
and carried into the air in the reduplicated echoes of subter-
ranean cavities or the sustained resonance of an acoustic urn.
Such the scientific facts and such the ritual from which the
,use of acoustic vases seems to have come down t>> us through
ithe ages.
1 Leake, Col., Northern Greece, Vols, i., iv. Revue Archeologiquc, 1877,
pp. 329, 397.
C.A.S. Comm. Vol. XIX.
7
86
PKOFESSOR HUGHES
AUTHORS REFERRED TO.
Acoustic Vases. Vitruvius 63 b.c. — 14 a.d. Lib. v. c. 5.
Oracles. Plutarch 46 a.d.^ — . Lib. de Defect. Orac. Julian
apud Cyrillum, I. 6.
Philosophers ascribed the silence of the Oracles to the
failure of those exhalations by means of which, according
to them, the gods communicated their prophetic inspira-
tion to men.
Acoustic Vases. Belli, Onorio, 1586. History of Candia.
Referred to by Falkener, Edward, in Supplement to
the Museum of Classical Antiquities 1854, "Description
of some important Theatres, &c. in Crete."
Acoustic Vases. Meliton (Claude Pithoys), 1662, 1665, 1668.
L'Apocalypse de Meliton (ed. 1665, p. 34) ou Revelation
des mysteres cenobitiques, 1662, 12mo, p. 42.
Meliton = pseudonym of Claude Pithoys, Saiuct Leger,
Luxembourg.
" The choirs are so fitted with jars in the vaults and in
the walls that six voices make as much noise as forty
elsewhere."
Oracles. Oallaeus, Servatius, 1688.
Sibylline Oracles. — Gallaeus (Servatius, Dutch Writer,
horn at Rotterdam, 1628). Dissertationes de Sibyllis earum-
que Oraculis, engraved title and thirteen full-page plates
(pp. 658 and Indexes). Later edition 1689 (no pictures).
Oracles. A Priest of the Church of England, 1709.
" An Answer to Mr de Fontenelle's History of Oracles,
in which Mr Van-Dale's system concerning the authors of
the Heathen Oracles, and the Cause and Time of their
Silence is confuted: and the Opinion of the Fathers upon
that subject vindicated." Translated from the French, with
ACOUSTIC VASES IN CHURCHES
87
Some Reflections upon the Remarks of Mr Le Clerc,
in his Bibliotheque Choisie." In a Preface.
To which is prefixed a Letter to the Translator by the
Rev. George Hicks, D.D.
London, Printed by W. B. for Henry Clements at the
Half Moon in St Paul's Churchyard, 1709.
Oracles. Hicks, George, D.D., 1709. [See book by A Priest
of the Church of England."]
Mystic Voices. Saint-Fond, Faujas de, 1778. "Recherches
sur les volcans eteints du Vivarais et du Velay." Grenoble
and Paris. PL xvii, p. 357.
" La tete d'Apollon qui rendoit des oracles sur le Rocher
volcanique de Polignac, non loin de la Ville du Puy."
Acoustic Vases. Smith, 1812-93. Dictionary of Roman
Antiquities. Article " Theatrum."
Pots in Walls Burckhardt, 1822. " Travels in Nubia,"
Vol. I, p. 94.
Acoustic Vases. Huard (Director Museum Aries). Bulletin
Archeologique, Vol. ii, p. 440.
Series of Acoustic Vases in Church of St Blaise at
Aries, 1842.
Acoustic Vases. FcUkener, Edward, 1854. "Description of
some important Theatres, &c. in Crete."
Supplement to the Museum of Classical Antiquities.
Acoustic Vases. 1854. Notes and Queries, Vol. x, Nov. 11,
1854, p. 386 seq.
Fountains Abbey. " To burn incense."
Acoustic Vases. Walhixm, 1854-5.
1. Trans. Yorkshire Architectural Soc. 1854-5.
2. The Builder, 1854, pp. 342, 343.
3. Ripon, Studley, Fountains Abbey, Harrogate, &c.
1862.
Acoustic Vases. Loftus, W. K., 1857. Travels and Researches
in Chaldea and Susiana.
Reviewed in Builder, 1857, p. 470.
Builder, 1863, p. 820, refers this to acoustic pollcry but
Mr Loftus compares it with decorative })otl(My.
Acoustic Vases. Owning, H. Sycr, 1860. Read Dec. 12.
7-2
88
PROFESSOR HUGHES
Journ. Brit. Archaeol. Assoc., Vol. xvi, Proc. sub. fin.
pp. 359-63. " On the use of Vessels and Hollow Bricks
in Buildings."
Urns in Masonry. Bouteiller, Ernest de, 1862. "Notice sur
le Convent des Celestins de Metz." Metz, 1862, 8vo, p. 110.
(a) Quoted by Didron aine in the Annales Archeo-
logiques, 1862, Vol. xxii, p. 294. '
(h) Also by Viollet-le-Duc in the Dictionnaire raisonne ;
de I'Architecture Fran9aise, Vol. vir, p. 471.
Also by M. Gordon Hills in "Earthenware Pots (built
into Churches) which have been called Acoustic Vases," ^
Trans. K. Inst. British Architects, Session 1881^2, p. 65. \
Also by Minns, Norfolk Archaeology, Vol. vir, 1872, ]
p. 95. I
Acoustic Vases. Didron, 1862. Annales Archeologiques, *
Vol. XXII, 1862, pp. 294-7. Aries, St Blaise! See Huard. ||
Published passage from MS. of 15th century which '
proves that jars were so placed with a view to acoustics, -
Chronicle of the Celestins of Metz. See Bouteiller. |
Acoustic Vases. Brash, R. R., 1863. Gentleman's Magazine, I
Vol. ccxv, p. 750, Dec. 1863.
Cites Belli ; Falkener's Museum for 1854 ; Conyngham, I 1
R. Irish Acad, 1790; Irby and Mangle's Travels; Texier, ,||
who refer only to recesses.
Acoustic Vases. Cochet, Abbe, 1863. Precis Analytique des |
Travaux de I'Academie Imperiale de Rouen, 1863-4. {
Rouen, Boissel. \
At Montivilliers jars with simple neck moulding and '
conical base found at four angles of vault of choir. f
At Fry, Canton Arqueil four jugs with handles like
those at St Peter per Mountergate, Norwich.
At St Laurent en Caux a large earthen vessel in one of ! S
angles of choir closed at both ends and entirely buried in »
mortar except a sort of spout which appeared in the face of
the wall. Refers to Abbe Saint Leger. \
Acoustic Pottery. Minns, Rev. G. W. W., 1872. Norfolk V
Archaeology. Norfolk and Norwich Archaeol, Soc, Vol. Vll, i
p. 93. " Acoustic Pottery."
ACOUSTIC VASES IN CHURCHES
89
Acoustic Vases. Bensley, 1879. Norfolk Archaeology, Vol. viii,
1879, p. 331.
Mr Bensley exhibited an earthen jar of " Acoustic
Pottery," discovered in the upper part of the wall of the
chancel of East Harling Church.
Blackish grey ware of early date 1 foot in diameter and
10 inches high.
Tripod. Boucher-Leclerc, A., 1879. " Histoire de la Divination
dans I'Antiquite," 4 Vols., Vol. iii, p. 91. Paris, 1879.
"Le tripled etant un siege et non une marmite, ni une
table, V6\/jLo^ ne pent avoir ete qu'un support plat, appele
KVK\o<i parce qu'il est circulaire. II pouvait avoir un cou-
vercle hemispherique dans I'intervalle des consultations ;
mais quand il servait, il portait ou la pythie elle meme,
maintenue par les trois oreilles du trepied, ou plutot le
siege de la pythie. Si le trepied avait un bassin, ce qui
etait bien inutile, ce bassin etait la cortina ou d^cov''
Urns in Masonry. Hills, Gordon M., 1882. "Earthenware
Pots (built into Churches) which have been called Acoitstic
Vases." Trans. R. Inst. British Architects, Session 1881-2,
p. 65.
Urns in Masonry. Rolfe, 1893. Popular and practical History
of Naples.
p. 124. Speaking of the Stabian Baths, he says
" enough of the arch has fallen away to let us into the
secret of the method by which the Romans constructed
their vaults, namely, by building amphor£e into them, in
order to combine lightness with strength."
Resonance. Sounding Stones. Tm^^g, Alfred, 1906. Nature,
Jan. 4, p. 222, Vol. 73. ''Sounding Stones at Ch'ufu,
Shantung."
Sounding Stones. Wheeler Guffe, O. F., 1906.
Referring to Mr Tingle's letter in Nature, Jan. 4, p. 222,
on Sounding Stones, Wheeler Cuffe says that he has seen
at Pagan (former capital of Burma) a large log of fossil
(or rather silicified) wood used as a gong. It emits a clear
ringing note when struck, and is nsed, like all pagoda
bells or gongs, to direct the attention of the guardian
90 niOFESSOIl HUGHES
spirits to the offering about to be pro'-'ented by the pious
Buddhist."
Sounding Stones. Carus- Wilson, Cecil. Nature, Vol. 73,
Jan. 11, 190G, p. 246.
Sounding StONES. Barnett, W. G. Nature, Vol. 73, Feb. 22,
1906, p. 390.
ViTRUVius. Translated by Morgan, Morris Hicky. Illustrated
by Warren, Herbert Langford. 1914.
Vitruvius. The Ten Books on Architecture. Translated
by M. H. Morgan. With illustrations and original designs
• prepared under the direction of H. L. Warren.
Professor Morgan, who died before this work v/as
finished, while conscious that Vitruvius had no literary
merit, had confidence in the serious purpose of this treatise.
There are nearly seventy illustrations. (Harvard Univer-
sity Press.)
Vitruvius was architect and engineer under Julius and
Augustus Caesar.
Acoustic Vases. Norfolk Archaeology, Vol. iv, p. 352 ; Vol.
VI, p. 382.
Discovered in churches of St Peter Mancroft and
St Peter per Mountergate, Norwich.
Various conjectures as to use : to receive ashes of hearts
of Canons; drink at commencement of building; dove
cots ; warming apparatus ; for strength with lightness ;
ventilation ; keep off damp.
Acoustic Vases. Trans. Kilkenny Archaeol. Soc, Vol. iii, p. 303.
Five earthen jars on their sides opening into five holes
in western ends of N. and S. walls of choir in church of
St Mary, Youghal, Cork.
Acoustic Vases. Viollet-U-Duc. Dictionnaire raisonne de
r Architecture Fran9aise, Vol. vii, p. 471.
Oracles. Van-Bale. De Orac. Vet. Ethnic Diss. 1 & 2,
pp. 22, 36, et seq.
Oracles. Le Clerc. Bibliotheque choisie. T. 13, Art. iii.
[See book " by A priest of the Church of England."]
Oracles. Fontenelle, M. de. History of Oracles.
[See book " by A priest of the Church of England."]
91
PURCHASES MADE BY THE CURATOR OF THE
MUSEUM OF ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY
WITH THE GRANT FROM THE COUNCIL FOR 19n.
Prehistoric.
STONE.
(Unless specially indicated the implement is made of flint.)
Eiveb-Drift Implements :
One triangular carefully chipped so as to expose in the centre of its convex
face a iossil pecteii shell, the original surface of the nodule being retained
on the square butt (5" -4 x 3"'l). West Tofts, N.*
Thirty of various forms including some remarkably fine specimens, notably
one slim, tongue-shaped, example (7"-5 x 2"'9). Dunbridge, Hants, 1911.
Celts :
Four chipped : one fiat pear-shaped with ridged back (6"-l x 2" -7), Cranwich,
N. ; one narrow, with sharp sides, square cutting edge and rounded butt
(4"-8 X 1"*6), Lakenheath, S. ; two long, one flat, Cavenham, S.; and
one convex back, Icklingham, S.
Four with ground cutting edge : two short, stout, with broad cutting edge,
Undley and Lakenheath, S. ; one ovoid, with ridged back, Undley, S. ;
and one flat with rounded butt, Lakenheath, S.
One ground : flat oblong. Lakenheath, S.
Adzes :
Three chipped : one elongate with convex back and rounded cutting edge,
Linford, N. ; and two triangular: one elongate, Cranwich, N., and one
short with broad cutting edge, Eriswell, S.
I Chisels :
' Three chipped (fabricator type), the largest with ground cutting edge
(4"-5xr-4). Mundford, N.
I BOREES :
One shouldered with chipped edge, Lakenheath, S.
* The letters C, S., and N., printed after the names of places, indicate,
respectively, the Counties of Cambridgeshire, Suffolk, and Norfolk.
92
PURCHASES FOR MUSEUM
Axe-heads :
One, made of a triangular water-rolled sandstone pebble, with flat faces,
drilled with a funnel-shaped perforation (4"'l x 3"'0). Doking, N.*
Knives :
One thin flake with finely chipped edge. Freckenham, N.
Areow-heads :
Tanged and barbed: seventeen, twelve straight-sided, including one large
(3"-3 X 1"'2) with rounded small barbs and large square tang (?javelin
head), SohamFen, C. ; and another thick, elongate, with small tang and
barbs (1"'4 x 0"*8), Lakenheath, S. ; and five with curved sides, including
one finely chipped example with long, incurved barbs (1"'2 x 0"-9),
Dulham, N.
Three triangular with eusped base, Undley and Copolow, S., and
Freckenham, N.
Eight leaf-shaped with rounded ends : one very large (2''-4 x 1""2), thick,
with convex faces, finely chipped (? javelin head), Thetford, N. ; and two
small with convex back, Undley and Copolow, S. ; one finely shaped, flat,
translucent, with broad rounded base (l"-8x0"'9), Lakenheath, S. ; two
slim, Eriswell and Icklingham, S. ; one flat, pointed at both ends, Copo-
low, S. ; and one very stout and broad {? arrow-head), Elvedon, S.
Two lozenge-shaped, with rounded shoulders: Mildenhall, S., and Croxton,
N.
BRONZE.
Celts, etc.:
One plain, flat with wide expanding cutting-edge and slightly-convex sides.
Burwell, C. (5"'7x4"-7).
One slim palstave with transverse edge (4"-9 x l"-9).
One socketed with bold rim-moulding, decorated on both faces with a pair
of curved beads ("palstave wing " pattern) 4"-6 x 3"-2. Cambridge.
One small socketed, with one loop and greatly expanded cutting-edge.
Arkesden, Essex (2"*2 x l"-4).
Daggers :
A small straight-sided blade with ridged faces, rounded point and notched
base (7"-l X 0"-8). Walton, N.
A broad blade with faint marginal groove and expanded hilt-plate perforated
for six rivets (10" '6 x B"*2). Norton Fitz warren, near Taunton, Somerset.
Pins:
One long, with moulded head and beaded neck (1. 7"-4). Cambridge.
One massive with large flat disc head, with an oval perforation in the side
covered with a lozenge-shaped plate (? 1. 4"-9, d. of head 0"-9). Laken-
heath, S.
* The letters C, S., and N., printed after the names of places, indicate,
respectively, the Counties of Cambridgeshire, Suffolk, and Norfolk,
PURCHASES FOR MUSEUM
93
Roman.
A bronze fibula with rope-pattern, beaded bow, and large openwork pin-
catch (1. 2"-7). Lakenheath, S.*
A small, plain, annular brooch of bronze, with ridged face (d, 0"-9). Laken-
heath, S.
A bronze pin with knob-head and beaded neck (1. 4"-2). Lakenheath
Warren, S.
A portion of a Roman steel yard with expanded end and two suspension
loops. Undley, S.
A small vessel of polished red clay — ("Pilgrim bottle" type) — with round
flattened body, the neck bearing a pair of large loops (4"-4x3"-2).
Cranwich, N.
Two cylindrical blue glass beads. Croydon, C.
Portions and fragments of figured Samian ware vessels. Haslemere, Surrey.
(Simpson Collection.)
Saxon.
The lower half of a finely cast cruciform bronze brooch. Lakenheath, S.
A bronze, silver inlaid buckle, with massive tongue (l"-6 x l"-2) ; and the
loops of two smaller, plain examples (? Saxon). Cambridge.
Mediaeval and Later.
A stout leaf-shaped iron spear (10"-4 x l"-2) with very long socket, taper
neck and ridged blade. ?Date. Eougham, S., 1908.
A small armorial shield-shaped pendant, bronze-gilt, charged with three
chevrons (1"'9 x l"-4). 14th century. Lakenheath, S.
An oval bronze seal, engraved with an eye and a pierced heart. Open-
work handle. Gramlingay, C.
A brass finger ring engraved with a crowned R. Cambridge.
Nineteen flat metal buttons ; fifteen ornate, incised with various patterns,
including a set of six depicting a sportsman, dogs, and various game
birds. 18th and 19th centuries. Cambridgeshire.
Nine keys: including one, of the 14th century, of bronze with ornate
lozenge-shaped bow ; Wickhambrook, S. ; and two of the 16th century
in iron : one large door key with plain comb-fan, and one smaller with
trilobed bow. Shingay, C
A pair of wafering irons (31"'3), the discs (d. 5") engraved wi!:h the feathers,
crown, and motto of the Prince of Wales, and a floral spray. Formerly
used for making "Wafering cakes" for "Mothering" (i.e. Mid-Lent)
Sunday. Cambridge.
A brass pastry cutter. 18th century. Saffron Walden.
* The letters C, S., and N., printed after the names of places, indicate,
respectively, the Counties of Cambridgesbire, Suffolk, and Norfolk.
94
rUUCHASES FOR MUSEUM
Two brass spoons with fig-shaped bowls : one with ' ' slipped " stem, the
other with hexagonal stem and "seal top." 16th century. Cambridge.
A socketed sharpening steel with ornate square-sided shoulder (13" -5).
Saffron Walden.
An iron taper-stand with turned oak base. Cambridge.
Two iron candle-holders with spike-shank : one for fixing to the floor, the
other to the wall. Cambridge.
A flat oval tinder box with engraved brass faces. ? Italian.
Two socketed iron shepherds' crooks: one with a large flat bow, the other
with a small flanged bow (16" -6 x 7" "6 and 9"-5 x 5"-4). Bury St
Edmunds.
Four small jugs: one low, flat-bottomed with lipped rim partially glazed:
two of grey glaze with indented base ; one stout, and one slim, the latter
with trumpet-shaped mouth (7" "8 x 3" '6). 16th century.
A watering pot of brown glaze with partly covered mouth (rose missing).
17th century. ? London (Simpson Collection).
PURCHASES MADE BY THE CURATOR OF THE
MUSEUM OF ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY
WITH THE GRANT FROM THE COUNCIL FOR 1912.
Prehistoric
STONE.
(Unless specially indicated the implement is made of flint.)
Eiver-Drift Ibiplements :
Three: one flat oval, Eriswell, S.*; one pointed oval with ridge faces,
Mildenhall, S.; and one with ridged back, Icklingham, S.
Celts :
Four chipped, chisel-shaped with sharp sides; the largest (5"-5xl"*8)
rough-hewn with ridged faces. Burnt Fen, Elvedon, S., Grimes
Graves, N.
Chisels:
Three small: one well-shaped double-ended with ridged faces (2"-8 x0"'7),
Icklingham, S. ; one long, tongue-shaped, and two flat with convex backs,
Methwold, N. and Icklingham, S.
Fabricators :
Three: one very slim with high crest-like back and sharply pointed ends
(2"-9 X 0"-8). Methwold, N., Lakenheath and Eriswell, S.
* The letters C, S., and N., printed after the names of places, indicate,
respectively, the Counties of Cambridgeshire, Suffolk, and Norfolk.
PURCHASES FOR MUSEUM
95
I SCKAPEKS :
Six : one spoon-shaped, one kite-shaped, one horseshoe-shaped, two
wedge-shaped, and one large side-scraper. Icklingham, S.*, and Grimes
■ Graves, N.
A very large carefully shaped implement of oval outline, with flat rough-
hewn faces, one side being chipped so as to form a flat base, the other a
semi-circular crest-like edge (1. 11"'5, b. 2" -9, h. 8"-l), Lakenheath, S.
Possibly a hide-scraper for which purpose this implement appears to
be admirably adapted. A similar but cone-shaped implement, also from
Lakenheath, was entered under No. 253 in the List of Accessions for
1905.
UOEKRS:
Thirteen of various forms, including some remarkably fine flanged examples
from Icklingham, S. ; Lakenheath, Eriswell, and Cavenham, S. ; Mund-
ford and Cranwich, N.
j Knives :
Two flake-knives: one small finely chipped; and one oblong with con-
tinuous chipped edge (2"-6xl"'6). Lakenheath, S.
^Arrow-heads :
Five Tanged and Barbed: three straight-sided, one very large, flat, with
broad square tang and barbs (l"-9 x l"-4), Lakenheath, S. ; and one finely
shaped with pointed barbs (l"-6 x and another, Burnt Fen, S.; two
smaller of curved outline, one with pointed tang and barbs, Eriswell and
Lakenheath, S.
Nine Triangular, including one with curved and one with straight spurred
base, Elvedon and Eriswell, S.; and two finely chipped, one thick with
convex faces and straight base {l"-2xl"-l), and one flat with cusped
base (l"-0 x l"-0). Beck Row, S.
Nine Leaf-shajjed : five with rounded base, three broad and two slim,
Elvedon, S., Undley, S., Eriswell, S., Tuddenham, S. ; three with
pointed base, two remarkably well shaped. Burnt Fen, S. ; Tuddenham, S. ;
and one pointed oval, Elvedon, S.; and one finely chipped oval with
pointed ends and convex back (l"'9x0"'6), Undley, S.
Three Lozenge-sliaped: two well made with convex back (l"'5xO"-9 and
l"-4x0"-9), Eriswell, S. and Undley, S.; and one roughly shaped,
Icklingham, S.
AVELIN-HEADS :
Two: one Leaf-shaped, j.'oughly chipped, sharply pointed with convex back
and rounded base, and one large Lozenge-shaped, thin, remarkably well
chipped (breadth 1"'8, both point and base missing). Lakenheath, S.
BRONZE.
A socketed single-looped celt with heavy rim-moulding, decorated with
three straight rays on one face and two on the other : very roughly cast
(4"-3 X l"-9). Lakenheath, S.
i * The letters C, S., and N., printed after the names of places, indicate,
I ispectively, the Counties of Cambridgeshire, Suffolk, and Norfolk.
9G PURCHASES FOR MUSEUM
A diminutive triangular knife, with slightly concave sides and broad
convex cutting-edge, the truncated top has a large oval perforatior
(l"-4x0"-9). Lakenheath, S.*
EARTHENWARE.
A tall urn-shaped vessel, with beaded base and plain slightly overhanging
rim, decorated with eleven encircling rings of basket pattern (6""8x4")
Lakenheath, S. May, 1911. '
Roman.
A stout bronze pin with orange-shaped head and beaded neck (1. 0"'8),,
Lakenheath, S.
Mediaeval and Later. \
Twenty-seven keys: twenty-one for doors, coffers, etc., including som(
rare forms, ranging from the 14th to the 18th century. Found in
Suffolk (Beck Collection).
PURCHASES MADE BY THE CURATOR OF THE
MUSEUM OF ARCHAEOLOCY AND ETHNOLOGY
WITH THE GRANT FROM THE COUNCIL FOR 1913.
Prehistoric.
STONE.
(Unless specially indicated the implement is made of flint.)
Celts :
Chipped:
Two small, ridged, roughly fashioned. Icklingham, S.
Ground :
The lower portion of a large finely ground example with curved cutting-
edge (breadth 3"). Shippea Hill, C.
Adzes :
Five chipped of various sizes from Suffolk and Norfolk, including one
small straight-sided example, with square cutting-edge, and sharp taper- '
ing rounded butt-end (2"'5 x 1"). Undley, S. i
Fabricatobs :
Six chipped, variously shaped. Suffolk and Norfolk. j
* The letters C, S., and N., printed after the names of places, indicate,
respectively, the Counties of Cambridgeshire, Suffolk, and Norfolk.
PURCHASES FOR MUSEUM 97
CuisKLS :
One chipped, with ridged back and gouge-like cutting-edge (4"-9xl"-l).
Undley, S.*
Borers :
Four of various forms, including one large triangular example. Norfolk
and Suffolk.
GlUXDIXG-STONES, ETC. :
A small oblong slab, polished on both faces (3"xl"-7), and a cylindrical
muller. Found together at Sedge Farm. Lakenheath, S., 1913.
.Knives :
Eight chipped: two large, thick oval, boldly chipped (4" x 3"), Elvedon, S.,
and Weeting, N. ; one triangular, three small leaf-shaped ; one spear-
shaped knife, and one large elongate flake. Suffolk and Norfolk.
Scrapers :
One large side-scraper, Feltwell, N.
jiRBOW-HEADS :
Tanged:
One with sharp shoulders and broad tang (l"-5 x 0"*8). Undley, S.
Tanged and barbed:
Three : one broad, with minute triangular tang and very long square babs
(1"-1 X 1"), Eriswell, S. ; one straight-sided (imperfect), with broad
tang and square barbs (l"-5 x 1"*1), Lakenheath, S. ; one roughly
chipped, with large tang, and with one large and one small barb
I (l"x0"-8), Eriswell, S.
' Single-barbed :
One with very long, taper barbs (2" x 0"-9). Icklingham, S.
Triangular :
One broad, roughly chipped (l"-6xl"-5), Undley, S. ; and one with both
faces chipped (l"-8x l"-4), Lakenheath, S.
Chisel-ended:
One carefully chipped, with convex back (l"-3 x 0"-9). Copolow, S.
Lozenge-shaped :
\ One unsymmetrical (1" x 0"-7). Icklingham, S.
Leaf -shaped:
Two broad with rounded base : one very roughly chipped, and one flat with
' finely chipped convex back (l"-4 x 0"-9), Icklingham and Eriswell, S. ;
and two elongate: one flat, with rounded base (imperfect), the other
thick, with pointed base (2"-l x 0"-7), Feltwell, N.
: * The letters C, S., and N., printed after the names of places, indicate,
pspectively, the Counties of Cambridgeshire, Suffolk, and Norfolk.
1
98
PURCHASES FOR MUSEUM
Roman.
A bronze pin with faceted head (1"'3). Lakenheath, S.,* 1913.
A jug of brown clay with wide trefoil mouth (5"-5 x 4"-2). Bottisham, C,
1890.
Saxon. ]
A bronze ear-pick with flat spear-shaped shank (2"-5x0"'4). Laken-
heath, S. I
Mediaeval and Later.
BRONZE.
Seven buckles of various patterns, including three small, double, for shoes <
(of bronze or brass). Lakenheath, S. ;
A brass disc-button with ornate border (1"*1). Lakenheath, S. \
A netted purse of gold and silver wire. 17th century.
Harness fittings :
A small horse-bit rosette, pierced rose pattern of bronze. Bury St Edmunds,
S.
Nine brass horse-harness pendants : discs, etc., of various patterns. 18th to i
19tli century. Bury St Edmunds, S.
Miscellaneous.
A pewter snuff-box in form of a double-barrelled pistol. Cambridge.
A bleeding knife, three blades in brass sheath, inscribed "Richard Peel,
Bury." 18th century.
Four iron corksci-ews of distinct forms. Cambridge.
An iron rush-light holder with clip and curved candle arm on wooden base; ■
and
An iron candlestick, spiked for driving into a wall. Bottisham, C.
Four pairs of iron fire tongs. 17th and 18th centuries. Saffron Walden.
An ornate steel bobbin-holder with screw attachment.
An ornate brass letter balance, English, 1830.
Five coin-weights : four of brass, viz. one temp. Charles I. for weighing V
the half-crown struck at Aberystwith by Thomas Rawlings : one temp.
Queen Anne; one temp. George III., dated 1772, for weighing the half-
guinea ; one bearing the arms of the City of London, dated 1826 ; and
one of bronze, temp. John IV, of Portugal, dated 1746 and inscribed
"A Portugal piece of eighteen shillings " (i,e. a gold moidor),
A small globular bell of bronze, decorated with a pair of human masks. •
Bury St Edmunds.
* The letters C, S., and N., printed after the names of places, indicate,
respectively, the Counties of Cambridgeshire, Suffolk, and Norfolk.
PURCHASES FOR MUSEUM
99
PURCHASES MADE BY THE CURATOR OF THE
MUSEUM OF ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY
WITH THE GRANT FROM THE COUNCIL FOR 1914
(£25).
Prehistoric.
STONE.
(Unless specially indicated the implement is made of flint.)
Celts.
Chipped : Fom- with sharp sides and rounded butt-ends (5"'5 x 2" —
2"-2xl"-2), C, S. and N.*; and
I Partially ground: One with convex back and taper butt (3"-2xl"-6).
I Feltwell, N.
^DZES.
Chipped: Nine from C, , S. and N.: one oval, bowed example with flat
lower surface and very sharp sides (5"*9 x 2"-2), Feltwell, N. ; and eight
smaller, including one, the largest (4"*2xl"*8), with ridged back from
Hilborough, N., and one triangular (?adze) with convex back from
Barton Mills, S.
:hisels.
Chipped : One large with boldly convex back, chipped flat lower surface,
rounded cutting-edge and pointed butt (5"*7 x l"-5). Burnt Fen, S. ;
and fourteen, comprising two distinct forms, from Suffolk and Norfolk.
i
joREES.
I Twelve from Suffolk and Norfolk: eight with expanding base, including
one with broad flat point and triangular base (3"-6 x 3"), Cranwich, N. :
two drills; one small, carefully chipped, of oval section with shouldered
base {l"-9 X 0"'9), Cavenham, S. ; one slim, ridged flake of "pigmy"
type with one worked edge (l"'lxO"'2), Kenny Hill, S. ; and two with
ridged blunt point, one made of a contorted cylindrical flint, Ickling-
ham, S.
iRAPEES.
Thirteen of various forms from S. and N., including three spoon-shaped
from Suffolk: two crescentic "shaft-scrapers"; one with ridged shank
(2"-l X 1"'8), Cranwich, N. ; one triangular with finely chipped convex
back (l"-7xl"-5), Weeting, N. ; one large of unusual form consisting
of a boldly ridged square-ended tang expanding into a triangle with
blunt, bevelled edge (5"-l x 3"-2), Cranwich, N. ; and one side-scraper,
West Tofts, N.
■ The letters C, S., and N., printed after the names of places, indioate,
['ectively, the Counties of Cambridgesliire, Suffolk, and Norfolk.
100
PURCHASES FOR MUSEUM
Knives,
Chipped: Two large, rougbly sijindk-shaped ; one broad with convex i
back and flat lower surface (4"-9 x 1"'5), Hilborongh, N.*; and one withlj
convex faces (4" -2 x l"-4), West Tofts, N. ; and fifteen worked flakes withti
chipped backs, Suffolk and Norfolk.
Partially ground : one oblong bowed, with flat faces and sides ground to a
sharp bevel (2"-3 x Undley, S. ; and one roughly oval with convex
back and edge ground at one end only (2"-6 x 2"), Lindford, N.
Arrow-heads.
Tanged : One chipped in the rough with bold shoulder and carefully
shaped stem-like tang (l"-6xO"-7), Undley, S.
Tanged and barbed : One with serrated edge, and long square tang and
barbs (1"'4, imperfect), Burnt Fen, S.; nine of various forms, including
one flat triangular, with large oblong tang (l"x0"-9), Copolow, S., and \
three broad with minute triangular tang and pointed barbs very roughly /
fashioned, Suffolk and Norfolk. |
Single-barbed : One finely chipped, triangular, eusped, with broad straight f
barb (point missing), one indented with short barb and one with curved *
lateral barb, Suffolk. \
Triangular : One stout with nicked base forming a pair of square-ended '
barbs (r'*4 x 0"-9), Eriswell, S., and one with indented base (l"-4xr'), '
Kenny Hill, S. ^
Leaf-shaped: Four with flat under surface and rounded base, Undley and '
Eriswell, S., one pointed oval with convex faces x 0"'7), Undley, S,
and one much larger (base missing) approaching lozenge- shape, Undley, S. -
Lozenge-shaped : One of rounded outline with convex back x 0"*8), f
Eriswell, S., 1895.
Javelin-heads. •
Tanged: One thick convex-faced with rounded shoulders and tang!
(2"-6xr'-l), EriswelL S. i
Tanged and barbed: One finely chipped, straight- sided, with pointed barb;.
and oblong tang (point missing), Mundford, N. i,
Triangular: One thick elongate with indented expanding base (2"-2 x l"-2) i
Mildenhall, S.
Chisel-ended: One well finished with uneven edge (l"-6 x l"-4), Undley, S
and one large with cusped edge (? javelin head), Tuddenham, S.
BRONZE.
Celts.
One flat with expanding cutting-edge, and sharp rounded butt-em
(6"-9x3"-4), Methwold, N.
* The letters C, S., and N., printed after the names of places, indicate
respectively, the Counties of Cambridgeshire, Suffolk, and Norfolk.
PURCHASES FOR MUSEUM
101
Roman.
PEWTER.
Three flat circular dishes: the largest (15" -2) with upstanding flat-edged
rim, and two smaller (ll"-8 — 14"'8) with broad flat marginally beaded
rim. Two flat-bottomed saucers of Samian pattern : one plain (6" x l"-3)
with upstanding rim, and one ornate {5"-4 x 0"'8), the curved rim bearing
a raised fluted band, the bottom an ornate roundel. Four bowls: one
plain funnel-shaped with raised bottom and flat rim (5"-l x 2"'3) ; two
basin-shaped, one plain (5"'4x2"-3) with wide, curved rim, and one
ornate (3"-9x2"-4) with flat rim set with a row of bosses; and one
plain flat saucer-shaped (4"-6 x 0"*9) with trumpet-shaped base. Found
together at West Row, Mildenhall, S,*
BRONZE.
A finger-ring : a beaded convex band with one pointed overlapping end.
St Neots, Hunts,
Mediaeval and Later.
Four iron pot-hooks of distinct patterns with ratchet and slot adjustments,
Cambridge.
Two iron toasters with sliding bread holder ; one a tripod with vertical rod,
and one a horizontal rod for hooking on to bars of grate, Cambridge.
A brass spoon with seal head and fig-shaped bowl, 17th centurj^ Croydon, C.
A nutmeg raper: a cylindrical ivory case to hold the nut, with a metal
grater attached inside the screw-lid. Early 19th century.
A slim Lambeth- ware jug with ribbed body and expanding base (8" '9 x 3" -5).
London.
Keys :
One of bronze, small, with flat annular bow (? Roman), Lakenheath, S.;
and two of iron, Cambridge.
A tall taper-clip with turned wooden base, and a hanging taper-sconce with
long shanked hook of iron, Warnham, Sussex.
Two steel candle-snuffers, one with discoidal ends and five japanned
snuffer-trays. English 18th — 19th century.
Two circular ornate comfit boxes of pressed horn and of cardboard and
' lace-paper. 18th — 19th century.
A collection of sewing requisites, mostly ornate ; comprising silk winders,
reel stands, darning stands, wax holders, pin-cushions, needle-cases,
thimble and thimble-cases, tape measures and stilettos of various patterns
in wood, ivory, and metal. English, 17th — 19th century.
* The letters C, S., and N., printed after the names of places, indicate,
respectively, the Counties of Cambridgeshire, Suffolk, and Norfolk.
C. A. S. Comm. Vol. XIX. 8
102
PURCHASES Foil MUSEUM
An ornate gauffering-iron of brass and steel with finely moulded handle
(10"-3), 18th century; and three gauffering- iron stands of distinct
patterns, Bury St Edmunds.
A brass disc-weight, for weighing guinea pieces, inscribed both faces
*'P G"
, the obverse crowned, Cambridge.
D : o
An orrery in mahogany case (4" -4 x 8"-4), by Kyland of Northampton, with
additions by John Jones of Holborn, and a descriptive pamphlet, dated
London 1781.
An ornate bronze horse-bit rosette (2"-7), 17th century, London.
A set of fifteen bells (ranging in size from 4"-5 x 4" — 7"-3 x 6"-3) of oval
section with contracted mouths, formed of riveted iron plates showing
much wear. All are similarly decorated with a raised band, some
showing traces of brass plating, and are provided with elongate or
knobbed tongues, and stout flat loops which are double in two examples,
Chippenham Park, C.*, 1913.
Two socketed, iron shepherds' crooks of distinct form (13" and 16"-2),
Bury St Edmunds.
Two pig-scrapers of hoop iron with handles composed, respectively, of
wood and of a cow's hoof, St Neots, Hunts.
A tanged eel-spear with head of forged iron, seven pronged, Cambridge.
* The letters C, S., and N., printed after the names of places, indicate,
respectively, the Counties of Cambridgeshire, Suffolk, and Norfolk.
103
INDEX
Abington, excursion to 3
Accounts 6
Acoustic vases 63
Adzes 91, 96, 99
Alcala, Don Perafan de Ribera, Duke
of, Monumental brass 50
Archaeological Museum, ditch found
under N.W. corner of 19
Archdeacon's Book, notice 2
Arques, medieval graffiti 62
Arrow-heads 92, 95, 97, 100
Ashwell, Black Death Inscription
inside tower 54 ; consecration of
church 56; inscriptions 54, 57, 58
Associate members "5
Augustinian Friary 20
Monastery 24
Axe-heads 92
Babraham, chalice on pillar 60 ; ex-
cursion to 3 ; inscription 59 ; Babra-
ham lion 60
Balsham, Tudor tombs at 3
Bardfield, Great, inscription 57
Barker, Robert, does penance 38
Barnston figures 60
Barrington, inscription 57
Barrow, Isaac, witchcraft 42
Bate, Thomas 54
Beads, blue glass 93
Bells 98, 102
Bene't, St, Church of 24
Biggs, Jeremiah, horses of, bewitched
36
Binding, diagram of 25
Blashill, Thomas, on hollow objects
for increasing sound 70, 71
Bleeding knife 98
Bobbin-holder 98
Bochar, Hugh 54
"Boggart of Cave Ha" 81
' Book covers found in the King's Ditch
25
Borers 95, 97, 99
Brewster, Sir David, Letters on Natural
Magic 69, 72
Brooches 93
Browne, Sir Thomas, on resonants 82
Buckles 93, 98
Bullen, F. St John, Churches of
Lincolnshire 10
Bures, medieval graffiti 62
Burkitt, M. C, Rock excavations in
Russia 13
Buttons 93
Calais, medieval graffiti 62
Cambridge, ditches in 16
Cambridgeshire witchcraft, notes on 31
Candle holders 94
Candlestick 98
Castell, Thomas, J. P. 47
Castle Acre Priory 61
Castle Camps, superstition 33
Celts 91, 92, 94, 95, 96, 99, 100
Charles I, gloves of, at Milton Hall 3
Chichester, St Olave's, acoustic jars 77
Chisels 91, 94, 97, 99
Churchdown, Glouc, mermaid and
peacock 60
Clare College, maker of the iron gates
at 28 ; old wooden gate 28
Clifton Moor 70
Coats of Arms 59
Cochet, Abbe 73
Coin weights 98
Cole, William, house occupied by 3
Cologne ware 24
Communications (1913-14) 2
Corkscrews 98
Coton graffiti 54
Coton, inscriptions on piers of Tower-
arch 53
Coulton, G, G., Medieval graffiti,
especially in the Eastern Counties
53 ; figured 56, 58-60
104
INDEX
Croesus, oracular response 85
Cromwell, Oliver, gloves of, at Milton
Hall 3
Crowe, Elena 58
Cylinders 66
Daggers 92
Denford, Nortliants, acoustic iars in
Church 77
Dent, E. J., English musical drama
during the Commonwealth 12
Dijon, medieval graffiti 62
Disc weight 102
Dodona, Temple of Zeus 85
Dogs, remains of, found in the King's
Ditch 21
Dondeville, St Laurent- en -Caux,
acoustic vase 77
Douglas, Henry 39
Dunmow, Great, notes on tower-arch
58
Little, inscriptions 54, 58 ; monk
60
Duxford, inscription 57
St John's, inscription 59
St Peter's, record in splay of
window 58
Ear-pick 98
Earthenware, fragments of, found in
the King's Ditch 23
Edleston, E. H., Monumental brasses
of Spain 50
Eel-spear 102
Elstow, Nunnery Church, graffiti 55
Ely Depositions of Informations 89,
45-47
Gaol Delivery Eolls 31, 32, 35,
36, 47
Fabricators 94, 96
Fernandes, Francisco, wife of, brass
51
Ferrandes de Lascortinas, Martin,
brass 51, 52
Fibula, bronze 93
Fiennes, Frater 59
Finger rings 93, 101
Foot, Elizabeth, witch 36
Fountains Abbey, acoustic vases 76
Gallaeus, Servatius, on oracular mani-
festations 79
Gamlingay, inscription 58; mill 59
Gardner, S., Misericords and Bestiaries
9
Garrison, Ellen, supposed witch 35
Gauffering-iron 102
Godfrey, Garrett, trade mark 25
Graffiti, Medieval 53; figured 62
Grinding stones 97
Guarbecques, medieval graffiti 62 ,
Haddenham, witchcraft in 88
Harlton, inscriptions 58, 59 :\
Harness fittings 98
Hawkwood, Sir John 60 '}.
Hede, Joh., 59 ;
Hildersham, excursion to 3 }j '
Hills, G. M,, acoustic vases 76 I
Holden, J. Sinclair, Palaeolithic figure-
stones from the Stour Valley at ■'■
Sudbury 11 I
Hopkins, Mathew 35 ■ 5
Horningsea, inscription 61
Horse-bit rosette 102
Horseheath imps 33, 84 ; witches, &c. S
31-44
Horses bewitched 36 i ffl
Horses' heads found in the King's
Ditch 20, 21
Hughes, T. M^Kenny, On some objects;
found in the King's Ditch 16
Acoustic vases in churches 63;
diagrams 75; authors referred to 86;
Ipswich, St Nicholas, acoustic vases 76
Javehn-heads 95, 100
Johannes de Monte Caniso, inscription i
54
Jugs 94, 98
Kett, Alderman, death of 1
Keys 93, 96, 101
King's Ditch, Objects found in the 16 ; j
first mention of 18 ; probable age ofo
the deposit in the 26, 27
King's Mill 19
Kingston, coats of arms 59
Knives 92, 95-97, 100
Lambeth ware jug 101 \
Leather objects discovered in the '
King's Ditch 25 |
Letter balance 98 i
Limoges, Cathedral of, inscription 61 .
Litlington, Eoman Villa at 4 i
Loft, Joh. 55 ■
London Wall, cylinder 67 i
Lowode, Oliver 59 f
Lynes' plan of the King's Ditch 17. i
19 '
Marchant, F. P., Bohemia and iU
people 9 i
Mary the Less, St, visit to church 2 ;
Masonic Hall 16, 19
Masons' drawings 61
marks 53 j
INDEX
105
Metal objects found in the King's
Ditch 25
Metz, Church of the Celestins 73
Milton. John, "Hideous hum" 63, 64
Milton, All Saints' Church 3
Hall, visit to 3
Minns, Rev. G. W. W., acoustic vases
74
Monumental brasses of Spain 50
Museum of Archaeology and Ethno-
logy, purchases 91
New Members 5
Norwich, St Peter Mancroft and St
Peter Mouutergate, acoustic vessels
75
Nutmeg raper 101
Officers 14
Offlev, Herts, inscription 54
Ogilvie, F. F., Philae 10
Orrery 102
Oxen, remains of, found in the King's
Ditch 21
Parsons, Catherine E., Notes on Cam-
bridgeshire witchcraft 31
Pascal Close 19
Pastry cutter 93
Pausanias 80
Pembroke College, visit to 3 ; acoustic
vases in Chapel 75, 76, 78
Pendant, shield-shaped 93
Pentney 60
Peterhouse, visit to 2
Petrie, W. M. Flinders, Treasure of
Lahun 9
Petty Cury, objects found in 27
Pewter articles 101
Physic Garden 19
Pig-scrapers 102
Pins 92, 93, 96, 98
Pitman, Dorothy, witch 38, 39 ; ex-
amination, &c. 45, 46
Plesiosaurus 21
Pompeii, interior of room in 68
Pot-hooks 101
Pottery, remains of, found in the
King's Ditch 23
Pozzuoli, crater 69
Quiggin, E. C, High places of Ireland
12
Eanaldson, Sir John 59
Eavenna, Church of S. Vitalis, cylinders
67
Read, Thommison, witch 47-49
Eeport (1913-14) 1
Rickling, inscription 00
River-drift implements 91, 94
Rome, Vestal Virgins' Room 70, 82
Urns in the Hippodrome 82
Ropsley, Lincolnshire, inscription 54
Rushden, Northants, inscription 54
Rushlight holder 98
St Albans, south choir piers 60
Samian ware, fragments 93
Sandwich, St Clement's, acoustic jars
78
Sandys, Sir Miles and Lady 33
Sawston, consecration of church 56
Scipios, tomb of the 67
Scott, Sir Walter, method of dressing
a sheep's head 22
Scrapers 95, 97, 99
Scratch dials 3
Seal, bronze 93
Sens Cathedral, Chantry tomb 60;
medieval graffiti 62
Sheep, remains of, found in the King's
Ditch 21
Sheep's head, method of dressing 22
Shepherds' crooks 94, 102
Sible Hedingham hawk 60 ; inscrip-
tion 60
Sion, Valais, medieval graffiti 62
Slater, Joan, witch 36
Slaughter House Lane 19
Snuff-box 98
Spear 93
Spoons 94, 101
Stained glass, fragments of, in the
King's Ditch 24
Stebbing 60
Steel 94
Steward, Sir Thomas 45
Stokes, Rev. H. P., Wayside crosses
in Cambridge 13
Cambridge Bell-men 13
Sudbury, Dominican Friary 71
St Gregory's, inscription 58
Swineford, inscription 59
Swinhoe, Andrew 54
Taper stand 94
Thaxted 58
Thornton, Roger, brass 52
Tinder box 94
Toasters 101
Tobacco pipes, stems of, found in the
King's Ditch 24; fig ired ib.
Tongs 98
Triphonius, oracle of 80
University Library, cylindrical vessels
found in roof of Cockerell's Building
66, 67
Urn as a charm against lire 65
106
INDEX
Vallance, Aymer, Reims cathedral 13
Viollet le Due, " acoustic pots " 77
Vitruvius 72, 73, 76, 79, 82, 85
Wafering irons 93
Walden, Elizabeth and Colin 60
Walker, Rev. F. G., acknowledgment
to 1
Walpole, St Peter's, record on tower-
arch 58
Wardale, J. R., The maker of the iron
gates at Clare College 28
Warren, maker of the iron gates at
Clare College 29, 30
Watercourses 16, 17
Watering pot 94
Werner, Jakob 56
West Wickham witch 44
Whiteside, Rev. T., on hollow objects
for purposes of sound 69, 70
Whittlesford archer 59
CAMBRIDGE: PRINTED BY JOHN CLAY, BI.A. AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS
I
I
I
CAMBRIDGE ANTIQUARIAN SOCIETY
PROCEEDINGS AND COMMUNICATIONS
PEOCEEDINGS
OF THE
Cam^Jrt^r3e Antiquarian ^otietp,
WITH
COMMUNICATIONS
MADE TO THE SOCIETY.
Vol. XIX.
NEW SERIES.
Vol. XIII.
1914—1915.
CAMBRIDGE :
PRINTED FOR THE CAMBRIDGE ANTIQUARIAN SOCIETY.
5OLD BY DEIGHTON, BELL & CO., LTD. ; and BOWES «& BOWES.
LONDON, G. BELL AND SONS, LTD.
1915.
(Eambrttigc :
PRINTED BY JOHN CLAY, M.A.
AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS.
CONTENTS
PAGE
Eeport of the Council, 1913-14 1
New Members elected 1913-14 .
Summary of Accounts for the year 1913
Ordinary Meetings with Communications: —
The Treasure of Lahun. Prof. W. M. Flinders Petbie, M.A., F.E.S
F.S.A., F.B.A. (n. p.)
Misericords and Bestiaries. Samuel Gardner, Esq. (n. p.)
Bohemia and its People. Francis P. Marchant, Esq. (n. p.) .
Philae : a Sacrifice to Utilitarianism. F. F. Ogilvie, Esq. (n. p.)
The Churches of Lincolnshire. F. St John Bullen, M.E.C.S. (n. p.)
Some Eecent Excavations at the King's Ditch. Prof. T. McKenny
Hughes, M.A., F.E.S., F.S.A 10, 16
The Maker of the Iron Gates at Clare College. J. E. Wardale, M.A. 10, 28
Cambridgeshire Witchcraft. Miss Catherine E. Parsons . . 11, 31
The Monumental Brasses of Spain. E. H. Edleston, M.A., F.S.A.,
F.E.G.S 11, 50
Some more Drawings and Scribbles from Medieval Buildings. G. G.
Coulton, M.A. . . 11, 53
Palaeolithic Figure-Stones from the Stour Valley at Sudbury. J. Sinclair
HoLDEN, M.D. (n. p.) ......... 11
Acoustic Vases in Ancient Buildings. Prof. T. McKbnny Hughes, M.A.,
F.E.S., F.S.A . . 12, 63
English Musical Drama during the Commonwealth. E. J. Dent, M.A.,
Mus.B. (n. p.) 12
u. p. means that the Communication has not been printed in full.
vi
CONTENTS
PAGE
The High Places of Ireland. E. C. Quiggin, M.A. (n. p.) ... 12
Kock-Engravings in Russia and Scandinavia. M. C. Burkitt, B.A.
(n. p.) 13
The Cathedral of Reims. Aymer Vallance, M.A., F.S.A. (n. p.) . . 13
Wayside Crosses in Cambridge, and
Cambridge Bell-men. Rev. H. P. Stokes, LL.D., F.S.A. (To be printed
later.) . 13
Officers for 1915-1916, elected 24 May, 1915 . . . . . . 14
List of Officers, 1915-1916 . .v, 15
Printed Papers : —
Some Objects found in the King's Ditch under the Masonic Hall. Prof.
T. McK. Hughes, M.A., F.R.S., F.S.A 16
The Maker of the Iron Gates at Clare College. J. R. Wardale, M.A. . 28
Cambridgeshire Witchcraft. Miss Catpierine E. Parsons . . . 31
The Monumental Brasses of Spain. R. H. Edleston, M.A. , F.S.A.,
F.R.G.S 50
Medieval Graffiti, especially in the Eastern Counties. G. G. Coulton,
M.A 53
Acoustic Vases in Ancient Buildings. Prof. T. McKenny Hughes, M.A.,
F.R.S., F.S.A . 63
Lists of Purchases for the Museum during the years 1911-1914 . . 91
Index 103
n. p. means that the Communication has not been printed in full.
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
Plate page
I. Fragment of Earthenware with Tobacco-pipe Stems im-
bedded 24
II. Leather Book-cover found in the King's Ditch ... 25
III. Brass of Don Perafan de Kibera, 1571 .... 50
IV. Brass of the Wife of Francisco Fernandas, 1371 . . 51
V. Brass of Martin Ferrandes de Lascortinas, 1409 . . 51
VI— XVI. Graffiti 62
Development of Brackets for Roof, &g 65
XVII. Earthen Vessels from Cockerell's Building .... 66
XVIII. Amphorae built into Wall at Pompeii 68
Jugs and Jars built into Norwich Churches ... 74
XIX. Diagrams of Arrangements of Acoustic Pottery in Norwich
Churches 75
Jug from Old Chapel of Pembroke College . ... . 75
Vase from Church of St Laurent-en-Caux, Dondeville . 77
i
CAMBRIDGE ANTIQUARIAN SOCIETY.
RECENT PUBLICATIONS.
QUARTO (NEW) SERIES.
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XXXVIII. The Verses formerly inscribed on the Twelve
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M. R. James, Litt.D. pp. 42. 1901. 2^. net.
XXXIX. Cambridge Gild Records. Edited by Mary Bate-
flON, with a preface by the Rev. W. Cunningham, D.D. pp. 176.
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Caius. Edited by J. Venn, Sc. D. pp. xiii + 431. 1904. 15s.net.
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j OF Cambridge (1256—1568). By the Rev. H. P. Stokes, LL.D.
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i XLII. The Place-names of Bedfordshire. By the Rev.
Professor W. W. Skeat, Litt.D. 5s. net. For Place-names
' of Cambridgeshire see No. XXXVI and Place-names of
i Huntingdonshire Proceedings No. XLIV.
XLIII. The Riot at the Great Gate of Trinity College,
February, 1610 — 11. By J. W. Clark, M.A., F.S.A. , Registrary
i of the University, pp. xxvi-f 42 + 1 plate. 1906. 2s. 6d. net.
\ XLIV. Outside the Trumpington Gates before Peterhouse
WAS FOUNDED. By the Rev. H. P. Stokes, LL.D., F.S.A. pp. 88
' -f- 2 plates. 1 908. 5s. net.
XLV. The Esquire Bedells of the University of Cam-
bridge (1250—1910). By the Rev. H. P. Stokes, LL.D., F.S.A
pp. xii -t- 140 + 8 plates. 191 1. (Published by private donation for
j members only.)
I XL VI. Suffolk Place-Names. By the Rev. W. W. Skeat,
jl Iiitt.D., F.B.A. pp. x + 132. 1913. bs.net.
! XLV II. Cambridge outside the Barnwell Gate. By the
Rev. H. P. Stokes, LL.D., F.S.A. pp. viii + 64 -f 2 maps and
2 plates. 1915. 5s. net.
EXTRA PUBLICATIONS.
Not gratuitous to members.
LuARD Memorial Series : Records of the University. To
i be completed in about five volumes, 8vo. Subscribers, 21s. Members
- of the Society, 15 s.
Vol. I. " Grace Book A," containing the Proctors' Accounts
and other Records of the University of Cambridge for
the years 1454 — 1488. Edited by Stanley M. Lbathes, M.A.
pp. xliv + 276. 1897.
Vol. II. ''Grace Book B," Part I, 1488—1511. Edited by
Mary Bateson. pp. xxvii -f 309. 1903.
Vol. III. "Grace Book B," Part II. Edited by Mary
Bateson. 1905.
CONTENTS
OF PROCEEDINGS, No. LXVII.
Vol. XIX. (New Series, Vol. XIII.)
Keport of the Council, 1913-14
New Members elected 1913-14
Summary of Accounts for the year 1913
Ordinary Meetings with Communications: —
The Treasure of Lahun. Prof. W. M. Flinders Petrie, M.A., F.E.S.,
F.S.A., F.B.A. (n. p.)
Misericords and Bestiaries. Samuel Gardner, Esq. (n. p.) .
Bohemia and its People. Francis P. March ant, Esq. (n. p.)
Philae: a Sacrifice to Utilitarianism. F. F. Ogilvie, Esq. (n. p.)
The Churches of Lincolnshire. F. St John Bullen, M.E.C.S. (n. p.)
Some Eecent Excavations at the King's Ditch. Prof. T. McKenny
Hughes, M.A., F.R.S., F.S.A 10,
The Maker of the Iron Gates at Clare College. J. R. Wardale, M.A. 10,
Cambridgeshire Witchcraft. Miss Catherine E. Parsons . . 11,
The Monumental Brasses of Spain. R. H. Edleston, M.A., F.S.A.,
F.R.G.S 11,
Some more Drawings and Scribbles from Medieval Buildings. G. G.
Coulton, M.A 13 J ^
Palaeolithic Figure-Stones from the Stour Valley at Sudbury. J. Sinclair
HoLDEN, M.D. (n. p.) d
Acoustic Vases in Ancient Buildings. Prof. T. McKenny Hughes, M.A., j
F.R.S., F.S.A 12, a
English Musical Drama during the Commonwealth. E. J. Dent, M.A., ]
Mus.B. (n. p.) . . ^
The High Places of Ireland. E. C. Quiggin, M.A. (n. p.) .
Rock-Engravings in Russia and Scandinavia. M. C. Burkitt, B.A. (n. p.)
The Cathedral of Reims. Aymbr Vallancb, M.A., F.S.A. (n. p.)
Wayside Crosses in Cambridge, and
Cambridge Bell-men. Rev. H. P. Stokes, LL.D., F.S.A. (To be printed
later.)
Officers for 1915-1916, elected 24 May 1915
List of Officers, 1915-1916
Printed Papers: —
Some Objects found in the King's Ditch under the Masonic Hall. Prof.
T. McK. Hughes, M.A., F.R.S., F.S.A
The Maker of the Iron Gates at Clare College. J. R. Wardale, M.A.
Cambridgeshire Witchcraft. Miss Catherine E. Parsons
The Monumental Brasses of Spain. R. H. Edleston, M.A., F.S.A.,
F.R.G.S. .
Medieval Graffiti, especially in the Eastern Counties. G. G. Coulton, M.A.
Acoustic Vases in Ancient Buildings. Prof. T. McKenny Hughes, M.A.,
F.R.S., F.S.A
Lists of Purchases for the Museum during the years 1911-1914
Index
63
91
103
n. p. means that the Communication has not been printed in full.
PROCEEDINGS
OF THE
Cambrtlrge anttquaiian ^omtp,
October 1915— May 1916
WITH
Commuincatwns
MADE TO THE SOCIETY
Michaelmas Term, 1915, and
Lent AND Easter Terms, 1916.
No. LXVIII.
BEING THE TWENTIETH VOLUME.
(Fourteenth Volume of the New Series.)
DEIGHTON, bell cfe CO., LTD.; BOWES & BOWES.
LONDON : G. BELL AND SONS, LTD.
1917
Price Ten Shillings net
CAMBRIDGE ANTIQUARIAN SOCIETY.
RECENT PUBLICATIONS.
[A Complete Catalogue can be had on application.]
Proceedings, 1912-13. Michaelmas Term. With Ggfnmuni
tions, No. LXIV. pp. 1 — 70. Plates I — IV and other illustratio
5s. net.
Coulton, G. G., M.A. Some marks and inscriptions in Mediaeval Churches
(to be printed later). Hope, W. H. St John, Litt.D., The practical study
of Heraldry (n. p.). Landtmann, C, Ph.D., The Eeligious beliefs and
practices of the Kiwai- speaking Papuans (n. p.). Ogilvie, F. F., Recent
discoveries at the Great Pyramids (n. p.). Palmer, W. M., M.D., The
Reformation of the Cambridge Corporation, July 1662 (to be printed later).
Petrie, Prof. W. M. Flinders, D.C.L., F.B.A., A Cemetery of the 1st
Dynasty (n. p.). Rivers, W. H, R., M.D., F.R.S., The disappearance of
Useful Arts (n. p.). Walker, Rev. F. G., M.A., Roman Pottery Kilns at
Horningsea, Oambs. Report for year 1911-12.
Proceedings, 1912-13. Lent and Easter Terms. With Com-
Tuunications, No. LXV. pp. 71 — 156. Plate V and other illustra-
tions. Price 5s. net.
Abrahams, I., M.A., The Decalogue in Art (n. p.). Banaall, W. H., M.A.
(M.B. Edin.), Ely Cathedral (n. p.). Barnes, Very Rev. Monsignor, M.A.,
The Knights of Malta (n. p.). Benton, Rev. G. Montagu, B.A., A Damask
Linen Cloth woven with Sacred Designs and dated 1631. Brindley, H. H.,
M.A., Mediaeval and Sixteenth Century Ships in English Churches.
Bushe-Fox, J. B., Excavations on th« Site of the Roman City at Wroxeter
in 1912 (n. p.). Duckworth, W. L. H., M.D., Sc.D., Gibraltar in Historic
and Prehistoric Times (n. p.). Fletcher, W. M., M.D., Sc.D., More Old
Playing Cards found in Cambridge (to be printed later). Forster, R. H.,
M.A. , Excavations at Corstopitum during 1912 (n. p.). Ridgeway, Prof. W.,
Sc.D., F.B.A., The Image that fell down from Jupiter (n. p.). Valentine-
Richards, Rev. A. v., M.A., The History of the Foundress' Cup of Christ's
College (n. p.).
Proceedings, 1913-14. Michaelmas, Lent and Easter Terms.
With Communications during same period, and Report for year
1912-13. No. LXYI. pp. 1—78. Plates I— YI. Price Is. M. net.
Printed papers: Brindley, H. H., M..k., Ships in the Cambridge "Life
of the Confessor." Fletcher, W. M., M.D., Sc.D., More Old Playing Cards
found in Cambridge. Hughes, Prof. T. McK., M.A., F.R.S., F.S.A., Flints.
Proceedings, 1914-15. With Communications during same
period, and Report for year 1913-14. No. LXVIL pp. 1—106.
Plates I — XIX and illustrations in text. Price Is. 6d net.
Printed papers: Coulton, G. G., M.A., Medieval Grafl&ti, especially in
the Eastern bounties. Edleston, R. H., M.A., F.S.A., F.R.G.S., The
Monumental Brasses of Spain. Hughes, Prof. T. McK., M.A., F.R.S.,
F.S.A., (1) Acoustic Vases in Ancient Buildings, (2) Objects found in the
King's Ditch under the Masonic Hall. Parsons, Miss C. E., Cambridge-
shire Witchcraft. Wardale, J. R., M.A., The Maker of the Iron Gates at
Clare College.
n. p. means that the Communication has not been printed in full.
CAMBEIDGE ANTIQUARIAN SOCIETY
EPROCEEDINGS AND COMMUNICATIONS
PROCEEDINGS
OF THE
Camijiilicic ^itttquaiian ^otitt^,
WITH
COMMUNICATIONS
MADE TO THE SOCIETY.
Vol. XX.
NEW SERIES.
Vol. XIV.
1915—1916.
CAMBRIDGE :
PRINTED FOR THE CAMBRIDGE ANTIQUARIAN SOCIETY.
50LD BY DEIGHTON, BELL & CO., LTD. ; and BOWES & BOWES.
LONDON, G. BELL AND SONS, LTD.
1917.
CONTENTS
PAGE
Eeport of the Council, 1914-15 1
Keport of the Council, 1915-16 . . 8
Purchases for the Museum, 1915 14
Ordinary Meetings with Communications : —
The History of Tools. Prof. W. M. Flinders Peteie, M.A., F.K.S.,
F.S.A., F.B.A. (n. p.) 17
The Old Dove-Houses of Cambridgeshire and the adjacent district.
J. H. Bullock, M.A. (n. p.) 17
Some Churches on the French Battle Fields. Akthur Gardner, M.A.,
F.S.A. (n. p.) 17
Meeting in Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology . . . . 17
Iron and its History. Prof. W. Eidgeway, Sc.D., F.B.A. (n. p.) . 17
Cambridgeshire Materials for the History of Agriculture. Ven. Arch-
deacon Cunningham, D.D., F.B.A 18, 39
Arretine Fragments in Cambridgeshire. Prof. F. J. Haverfield, LL.D.,
F.S.A., F.B.A 18, 53
Koman and Saxon Antiquities found near Kettering. F. K. G. Hief,
B.A 18, 59
The Decorated Tomb Chapels at Meir, Egypt. Aylward Blackman,
M.A. (n. p.) 18
English Gothic Foliage Sculpture. Samuel Gardner ... 18, 67
Animals in Mediaeval Sculpture. G. C. Druce, F.S.A. . . 18, 73
The Hearth Taxes for the Town of Cambridge. Edgar Powell, B.A.,
and others 18, 80
Old English Pottery. A. E. Clarke (n. p.) 19
Dr Dale's Visits to Cambridge, 1722-38. Prof. T. McK. Hughes, M.A.,
F.E.S., F.S.A 19, 95
The Ship of the Seal of Paris. H. H. Brindley, M.A. 19, 120
u. p. means that the Communication has not been printed in full.
vi
CONTENTS
PAGE
Seventy-sixth Ammal General Meeting: —
The Byzantine Origin of the Cross Sculpture at Bewcastle and Euthwell.
Prof. E. S. PmoK, F.S.A., A.R.A. (n. p.) 19
Early Clay Tobacco-pipes found near Barton Road, Cambridge. Hugh
Scott, M.A., F.L.S 19, 147
An Ancient Document from Peterhouse Treasury, giving particulars of a
Conveyance of certain property in the Jewry before the foundation
of the College, and having attached to it a Receipt in Hebrew. Rev.
T. A. Walkek, LL.D. (n. p.) . 19
Officers for 1916-1917, elected 5 June 1916 20
List of Officers, 1916-1917 21
Printed Papers : —
Wayside Crosses in Cambridge. Rev. H. P. Stokes, LL.D., Litt.D.,
F.S.A 22
The Cambridge Bellmen. Rev. H. P. Stokes, LL.D., Litt.D., F.S.A. . 33
Cambridgeshire Materials for the History of Agriculture. The Ven.
Archdeacon Cunningham, D.D., F.B.A 39
Arretine Fragments in Cambridgeshire. Prof. F. J. Haverfield, LL.D.,
F.S.A., F.B.A 53
Roman and Saxon Antiquities found near Kettering. F. R. G. Hief, B.A. 59
English Gothic Foliage Sculpture. Samuel Gakdner .... 67
Animals in Mediaeval Sculpture. G. C. Deuce, F.S.A. .... 73
The Hearth Taxes for the Town of Cambridge, a.d. 1664 and 1674 :
Explanatory Note .......... 80
Forewords by the Ven. Archdeacon Cunningham, D.D., F.B.A. . 81
Notes by Edgar Powell, B.A. . . . . . . . . 82
Extracts from Churchwardens' Accounts, supplied by the Rev. W.
Greenwood, M.A. 90
Topographical Notes by the Rev. H. P. Stokes, LL.D., Litt.D.,
F.S.A 90
Dr Dale's Visits to Cambridge, 1722-1738. Prof. T. McK. Hughes,
F.R.S., F.S.A 95
The Ship of the Seal of Paris. H. H. Brindley, M.A. . . .120
Early Clay Tobacco-pipes found near Barton Road, Cambridge. Hugh
Scott, M.A., F.L.S. . , . .147
InfBx 169
n. p. means that the Communication has not been printed in full,
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
PLATE p^(5E
I. Stone Cross, from Hamond's Map, 1592 .... 23
High Cross, from University Library MS 24
The Market Cross, Lyne's Map, 1574 26
II. Market Cross, from Hamond's Map, 1592 .... 27
,, Foxe's Book of Martyrs . . . ,,
III. Da\ve's Cross, ,, Bowtell MS 32
,, ,, ,, Peterhouse Field Book .... ,,
,, Hinton Cross, ., . . . ,,
lY. Wood-cut from Dekker's The Bellman of London, 1608 34
,, Rough sketch from Dekker's Tht Bellman of London, l^^Q .
V. From the Cambridge Bellman's Copy of Verses, 1805 . . 37
1830 .
VI. From the Cambridge Bellman's Copy of Verses, end of
17th century ........ 39
Arretine Cup from Barrington ...... 54
Maker's Stamp on ditto . . . . . . . 54
Arretine Cup found at Foxton in 1852 .... 57
VII. Antiquities found near Kettering 61
t VIII. Fragments from [a) Sompting, (6) Hereford ... 60
Bledlow Church. E.E. Capital
Stiff- leaf Foliage, Lincoln Cathedral ..... 69
IX. ,, Kimpton Church 70
,, King's Walden Church . . .
,, ,, Angel Choir, Lincoln .... 71
X. Southwell Minster. Capital of Wall-Arcade ni Cliapter
House .......... 71
Decorated Foliage, St Albans ...... 72
XI. Stone Church. E.E. Foliage 72
,, Worcester Cathedral. Decorated Capitals
Vlll
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
PLATE
XII.
XIII.
XIV.
XV.
XVI.
XVII.
XVIII.
XIX.
XX.
XXI.
XXII.
xxin.
XXIV.
Hereford CathedraL Cantilupe Shrine .
Doorway at Alne, Yorkshire . , .
Griffin, Norwich Cathedral .
Tiger and Mirror, Chester Cathedral
MS. add. 11283 B.M
Griffin and Man, Westminster Chapter Library, MS. 22
Hyaena biting Corpse of "Woman, MS. Harl. 4751, f. 10
Hippopotamus, St George's Chapel
Squirrel, Norwich Cathedral
Cat and Mouse, Hodnet font, Salop
Hedgehog and Dogs, Childrey, Berks
Portrait of Dr Samuel Dale .
Seals of Paris, showing Ship
Early Tobacco-pipes, Cambridge
Early Tobacco-pipes and Devices
PAGE
72
73
74
» )
75
76
78
79
95
129
136
140
]o4
156
159
1
PROCEEDINGS
OF THE
CambriDgr ^ntiquanan ^omtp
VriTH
COMMUNICATIONS MADE TO THE SOCIETY
1 NOVEMBER, 1915, TO 5 JUNE, 1916.
REPORT OF THE COUNCIL, 1914—15.
(Adopted at the Meeting on November 29th, 1915.)
The war has caused some difficulty in the working- of the
'Society. Owing to the preoccupation of members with war
matters, the attendance at meetings has been below the
average, and lectures and papers have been less easy to obtain
ithan usual ; nevertheless, the full number of meetings has been
held, and the attendance has been fairly good. Thirty-four
members and associates have resigned or lapsed, and the
number of new members is small, namely six Ordinary and
two Associate.
The numbers on our books on the 1st of October, 1915, were
14 Honorary, 355 Ordinary, and 32 Associate Members, making
a total of 401.
The Society has lost three members by death, including
Dr Caldwell, Master of Corpus Christi, and Mr Edwin Wilsou,
whose skilful drawings, in illustration of subjects brought
before the Society, have for many years been an important
feature in our publications.
C.A.S. Comm. Vol. XX. 1
2 CAMBRIDGE ANTIQUARIAN SOCIETY
Fifteen Ordinary Meetings were held, and the average
attendance was 75. A new departure was made in Mr Dent's
lecture on " English Musical Drama during the Commonwealth,"
musical illustrations being performed by a number of vocalists
and a snmll orchestra. This lecture drew the largest audience
of the year. Prof. Petrie's lecture on " The Treasure of Lahun,"
and Mr Aymer Vallance's on "The Cathedral of Reims," were
also largely attended.
The following communications were made :
Bullen F St John, " The Churches of Lincolnshire."
Nov. 23, 1914.
Burkitt M C, "Rock-engravings in Russia and Scandinavia."
May 3, 1915.
Coulton G G., ''Some more Drawings and Scribbles from
Mediaeval Churches." Feb. 8, 1915.
Dent E. J., " English Musical Drama during the Common-
wealth" March 1, 1915.
Edleston R. H., F.S.A., F.RG.S., "Spanish Monumental
Brasses." , ^^^^ ^'
Gardner, Samuel, " Misericords and Bestiaries.' j
Nov. 2, 1914.1
Holden, J. Sinclair, M.D., "Palaeolithic Figure-stones from the I
Stour Valley, Sudbury." Feb. 15, 1915 ;
Hughes Prof. T. McK., F.R.S., F.S.A., "Acoustic Vases m r
^Andent Buildings." Feb. 15, 1915. f
Hughes Prof. T. McK., F.R.S., F.S. A., " Some recent Excavations }
m [he King's Ditch, Cambridge." Nov. 30, 1914. [
Marchant, Francis P., "Bohemia and its People.'' ;
Nov. 9, 1914
C^ailvie F F "Philae : a Sacrifice to Utilitarianism."
^^'^ ' " Nov. 16, 1914
Parsons, Miss C. E.," Cambridgeshire Witchcraft."
Feb. 1, 191'^:
Petrie, Prof. W. M. Flinders, F.R.S., F.S.A.. F.B.A "Tlu;
Treasure of Lahun." \?Vt' ]l]r -
Quiggin, E. C, " High Places of Ireland." March 8, 19 O ;
Stokes, Rev. H. P., LL.D., F.S.A., " Ways.de Crosses m Cam
, . 1 „ May 17, lyi'
bridge.
ANNUAL REPORT, 1914-15
3
Stokes, Rev. H. P., LL.D., F.S.A., "Cambridge Bellmen."
May 17, 1915.
Vallance, Aymer, F.S.A., " The Cathedral of Reims."
May 10, 1915.
Wardale, J. R., "The Maker of the Iron Gates at Clare
College." Nov. 30, 1914.
The following publications have been issued by the
Society :
Proceedings and Communications, Vol. Lxvi, 1913-14.
Vol. Lxvii, 1914-15.
8vo. Publication, No. XLVii, " Cambridge outside the Barn-
well Gate," by the Rev. H. P. Stokes, LL.D., F.S.A.
On Thursday afternoon, July 15, an Excursion was made to
Whittlesford, Duxford, Hinxton and Icklefcon. A party of
about 30 started from Cambridge at 2.15 in a motor char-a-banc,
and about 5 members with private conveyances joined the party
jen route. In passing through Whittlesford a short halt was
|raade at the Old Guildhall. The remains of the ancient
iHospital at Whittlesford Bridge, in Duxford parish, were then
visited, the party being admitted to the Cliapel, used as an
outhouse, and to the ancient rooms with carved oak decoration
ni the building now used as an inn. The party then proceeded
0 Hinxton church, wifere the Vicar, the Rev. R. L. Twells,
jiescribed the features of the building, including the fine effigy
brasses.
The peculiarly interesting church of Ickleton was next
Hsited, under the guidance of the Vicar, the Rev. P. H. Cooke ;
uid the party was very kindly entertained at tea b}^ Mr and
Mrs W. F. Beddoes, whose beautiful garden was much admired.
The last place visited was Duxford village, where the two
> iiurches were described by the Rector, the Rev. R. B. Browning,
he disused church of St John having especially interesting
<'atures, which the Society would like to see better protected.
The weather was very fine, and the members and visitors
xpressed much satisfaction with the excursion.
1—2
4
CAMBRIDGE ANTIQUARIAN SOCIETY
A grant of £5 from the Excavation Fund was made to the
Cambridge Digging Chib, to assist in the expenses of exploring
the War Ditches at Cherry Hinton. The Club worked at the
Ditches during the Lent and Easter Terms, and kept a systematic
record of all things found or observed.
The balance sheet, showing the Society's financial position
at the end of 1914, is published at the end of this Report.
The thanks of the Society are presented for the following
gifts :
Robert Scott, Esq. (successor to Mr Elliot Stock), for Thei
Antiquary.
The Society of Architects, for the Society's Journal.
The Sheffield Public Libraries Committee and the Com-
pilers, for The Catalogue of the Jacksonian Collection of.
Charters, Rolls, Deeds, d&c.
NEW MEMBERS ELECTED 1914-15.
1914. Nov. 9. Rev. J. T. Plowden-Wardlaw, M.A.
J. R. Wardale, M.A.
Rev. W. D. Saunders.
Charles E. Brock.
Nov. 30. Rev. Charles Lacy Hulbei>t, M.A.
1915. May 31. Sir Harry L. Stephen.
ASSOCIATE MEMBERS.
1915. May 31. Lady Stephen.
Eliot C. Curwen,
ANNUAL REPORT, 1914-15
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REPORT OF THE COUNCIL, 1915—16.
(Adopted at the Meeting on November 27th, 1916.)
As in the previous year, the war has interfered somewhat
with the activity of the Society ; but again we have been able
to hold the full number of meetings, and the attendance has
been as good as can be expected when most people have an
unusual number of claims on their time. Five Ordinary Mem-
bers and one Associate have been elected, and twenty Members
and Associates have resigned or lapsed. Our roll of members
on October 1st, 1916, contained 14 Honorary, 336 Ordinary,
and 29 Associate Members, making a total of 379.
Six members have been removed by death. Alderman
Spalding was well known for his competent knowledge and
extreme interest in archaeology, especially as concerned
Cambridge. The various official positions which he held gave
him opportunities of first-hand knowledge of local history,
and changes in streets, buildings, and other features of the
town. The Council was hoping that he would accept the office
of President. The death of Mrs Hughes, an Associate Member,
removes one who indirectly rendered much assistance to the
Society by collaborating with her husband in his antiquarian
researches. The Council desires to express its sympathy with
Professor Hughes in his bereavement.
Fifteen ordinary meetings have been held. One of these
was a new departure in the form of a visit to the new Museum
of Archaeology and Ethnology, where the Curator,. Baron von
Hiigel, received the party and conducted them over the building,
exhibiting the collections, and especially the objects newly
acquired. The meeting was very successful, and was attended
by about 200 members and friends. The average attendance
at other meetings was 37 ; but the average for the whole of the
meetings, including the Museum meeting, was 48.
ANNUAL REPORT, 1915-16
9
The following communications were made :
Blackman, Ayhvard, " The Decorated Tomb-chapels at Meir,
Egypt." Feb. 14, 1916.
Brindley, H. H., " The Ship of the Seal of Paris."
May 29, 1916.
Bullock, J. H., " The Old Dove-houses of Cambridgeshire and
the adjacent district." Nov. 8, 1915.
Clarke, A. E., " Old English Pottery." May 15, 1916.
Cunningham, the Ven. Archdeacon, F.S.A., '* The Study of the
History of Agriculture in Cambridgeshire." Jan. 31, 1916.
Druce, G. C, F.S.A., " Animals in Mediaeval Sculpture."
Feb. 28, 1916.
Gardner, Arthur, F.S.A., " Some Churches on the French
Battle-fields." ' Nov. 15, 1915.
Gardner, Samuel, " English Gothic Foliage Sculpture."
Feb. 21, 1916.
Haverfield, Prof F. J., F.B.A. &c., " Arretine Fragments in
Cambridgeshire." Feb. 7, 1916.
Hief, F. R. G., " Some Roman and Saxon Antiquities found
near Kettering." Feb. 7, 1916.
Hughes, Prof. T. McK., F.R.S. &c., " Dr Dale's Visits to Cam-
bridge, 1722—1738." May 22, 1916.
Petrie, Prof. W. M. Flinders, F.R.S. &c., 'The History of
Tools." Nov. 1, 1915.
Powell, Edgar, " The Hearth Taxes for the Town of Cambridge
in 1664 and 1674." May 8, 1916.
Prior, Prof. E. S., F.S.A., A.R.A.. " The Byzantine origin of the
Cross Sculpture at Bewcastle and Ruthwell."
June 5, 1916.
Ridgeway, Prof. W., F.B.A. &c., " Iron and its History."
Nov. 29, 1915.
Scott, Hugh, " Early Clay Tobacco-pipes found near Barton
Road, Cambridge." June 5, 1916.
Walker, Rev. T. A., LL.D., "An Ancient Document from Peter-
house Treasury, giving Particulars of a Conveyance of
certain Property in the Jewry before the Foundation of the
College, and having attached to it a, Receipt in Hebrew."
June 5, 1916.
10
CAMBRIDGE ANTIQUARIAN SOCIETY
Tho list of Members, October 1st, 1915, has been issued;
and with it is included as usual the Laws, a list of the Publica-
tions of the Society, &c.
The Proceedings for 1915-16 are in the press, and will be
published at the end of the year. The Editors of the Vetus
Liber Archidiaconi Eliensis, Dr Feltoe and Mr Minns, have at
last finished their long and laborious task, and the book will be
issued shortly.
The balance sheet, showing the Society's financial position
at the end of 1915, is printed at the end of this Report.
The thanks of the Society are presented to the under-
mentioned donors of books :
The Society of Architects, for the Society's Journal.
James Curie, Esq., F.S.A. Eng. & Scot., (the Author) for the
following papers : (1) " Roman and Native Remains in Cale-
donia." (2) " The Romans in Scotland." (3) " Objects from
the Roman Fort at Newstead, Melrose." (4) " Recent Scandi-
navian Grave-finds from Oronsay, &c." (5) " A Roman Visor
Helmet from near Nijmegen."
Monsieur A. Heron de Villefosse (the Author) for the
following brochures: (1) "Joseph Dechelette." (2) "Le Verre
peint de Fraillicourt." (3) " Le Ganymede de Cherchel."
(4) " Le Mont Ardou." (5) " Pesons de Fuseau."
George J. Gray, Esq. and Dr W. M. Palmer (the Authors)
for " Abstracts from the Wills and Testamentary Documents
of Printers and Stationers of Cambridge from 1504 to 1699."
The Society gratefully acknowledges the gift of a collection
of Rubbings of Monumental Brasses from W. T. Scruby, Esq.
NEW MEMBERS ELECTED 1915-16.
1915. Nov. 16. S. W. Grose, M.A.
Rev. K L. Twells, M.A.
1916. March 17. Miss Mary Evelyn Monckton Jones.
Miss Hilda M. R. Murray.
July 11. Michael George Foster, M.D., F.R.C.P.
ASSOCIATE MEMBER.
1915. Nov. 16. Miss D. M. Brindley, 25, Madinglev Road.
ANNUAL REPOKT, 1915-16
11
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13
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14
PURCHASES MADE BY THE CURATOR OF THE
MUSEUM OF ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY
WITH THE GRANT FROM THE COUNCIL OF THE
CAMBRIDGE ANTIQUARIAN SOCIETY FOR 1915.
Note. — The letters C, S., and N., printed after descriptions, indicate
respectively the Counties of Cambridge, Suffolk, and Norfolk.
Prehistoric.
Celts : six, including three of the Kjokkenmodden type with chisel-edge,
Grimes Graves and Linford, N. ; and one with taper, chipped butt, refashioned
from a large ground example, Hickwold, N.
Adzes : eight chipped, of various forms, including two small triangular ex-
amples, S. and N.
Gouges : six, two of the bastard-gouge type, with boldly convex backs, and
fiat lower surfaces (one 5"'8 x 2"-2, the other of similar size, imperfect), Eriswell
and Cavenham, S. ; and four roughly chipped smaller gouge-like implements,
N. and S.
Chisels : three, one roughly ground, with convex back, flat lower surface
and rounded butt (4"-6 x and portions of two others, Lakenheath, S.
Hand-Chisels and Fabeicators : twelve, comprising three forms (straight-
sided, hog-backed with taper ends, and convex-faced with rounded ends), S.
and N.
Saw : one, chipped, of a thick taper fluke, with one coarsety serrated edge,
Lakenheath, S.
Knives : thirteen, oval or tongue-shaped, trimmed flakes, including one
large disc-shaped with convex back, from Grimes Graves, S. and N.
Scrapees : three, one large horse-shoe-shaped, Linford, N. ; one of unusual
celt-like form, with expanding ends (.S"-5 x 1"'8), Feltwell, N. ; and one com-
bined scraper and borer, the stout triangular blade being extended into a tang-
like point (2"'9 x 2"-5j, Linford, N., 1915.
BoEEES : thirteen, four with expanding base ; three smaller triangular ; and
six tongue-shaped (? boring tools), S. and N.
Aerow-heads : twenty-one, comprising four leaf -shaped : one with pointed
and three with rounded base, S. ; two lozenge- shaped with rounded sides : one
large, with flat faces, finely chipped (2" x 1""1), Burnt Fen, C, 1915 ; and one
much smaller well-finished example, Elvedou, S., 1912; one tanged roughly
fashioned, Ickborough, N. ; and fourteen tanged and harhed : five with straight
PURCITASES FOR MUSEUM
15
sides, including one triangular example with serrated sides and square-ended
barbs, Eriswell, S. ; and nine with curved sides, including one broad, with
remarkably large, curved barbs (imperfect), Burnt Fen, C, S. and N.
Javklin-heabs : six, comprising four with taper points and rounded bases
(three imperfect), S. and N. ; one broad shouldered (2"-l x l"-2), of translucent
flint, Lakenbeath, S., 1911 ; and one large (3"-6 x l"-5), shouldered, with tang-
like base (possibly a knife), roughly chipped, Eriswell, S.
Late Celtic.
A bronze sword-scabbard (upper half of back missing) of the La Tene type
(30" X l"-7), retaining the lower half of the iron blade, with ornate mountings
and moulded suspension-loop attached to the top of a long fillet (14" -4), Laken-
' heath, S., 1915.
1
Roman.
A small penannular bronze bangle (rope-pattern), with taper ends, Laken-
beath, S.
A hand-lamp of light clay (3"-l x 2"'l) : flat pear-shaped, with ornate convex
J face, Horningsea, C, 1915.
Mediaeval and Later.
Three armorial bronze pendaTits : one cusped, and two shield-shaped, 14th —
15tli century, Lakenheath, S.
Three pilgrim's signs cast in peAvter : two with pin, one an emblazoned
shield with floi al cresting held in a gauntletted hand, and one a crowned head
(? of St Edmund) ; and one a quatrefoil pendant attached to an S-shaped link,
15th century, Southwold, S.
Two finger-rings : one of bronze, inscribed in Gothic characters " en tout
bien," French, 15th century ; and one of brass, with running leaf-pattern
design, English, 17th century, Cambridge.
Seventeen plain and ornate buckles, of bronze or brass, of various dates,
C. and S.
Six ornate metal disc-buttons of various designs, 18th — 19th century,
Croydon, C.
An ornate pewter link-button.
A watch of copper and chased pinchbeck, English, 18th century.
An iron key-ring, with two keys attached, and swivel belt-hook inscribed
"C.S.D. 1798."
A massive lock and key, (?) English. 18th century.
Eight iron keys : showing various forms of bow and fan : seven English,
' Ifith — 18th century, and one French, 18th century, Cambridge.
Two steelyards : one (28"-8) with ornate disc-terminal, four moulded hooks,
jand two double-looped wire chains, (?) English, 17th century; and one smaller
and plainer with sliding, pear-shaped weight attached.
A basket stirrup-iron, English, 17th — 18th century, Cambridge.
A triangular wooden powder-flask, mounted in leather and iron (7"*7 x (>"•;{),
English, 16th century.
16
CAMBRIDGE ANTIQUARIAN SOCIETY
An oval iron box, with brass handle, and satchel-shaped padlock, English,
18th century.
Three purses : one beaded, with silver mounts ; one knitted, with steel beads
and mounts ; and one silk stocking-purse, English, I8th — 19th century.
Two double-pronged forks : one with ivory pistol-handle, and one with
chased silver handle, English, 18th century.
A wooden spoon, stamped with broad arrow and initials. The Old Gaol,
Parker's Piece, Cambridge.
An iron griller with revolving openwork disc and wrought handle
(24"-5 X 12"-6), 18th century.
An ornate kettle-hook, dated 1817.
Eight candle-snuffers, of various patterns, of silver-plate, steel or brass :
and seven silver-plated and lacquered trays, English.
Four finely incised mother-of-pearl card-counters of distinct forms, Chinese,
made for European market.
A wooden card-marker in form of a round table.
17
ORDINARY MEETINGS WITH COMMUNICATIONS,
MICHAELMAS TERM 1915, AND LENT AND
EASTER TERMS 1916.
Monday 1 November, 1915.
Mr H. H Brtndley, President, in the Chair. Prof. W. M.
Flinders Petrie, F.R.S., F.S.A., F.B.A., gave a lecture, ilhis-
r rated with lantern slides, on The History of Tools.
Not printed.
Monday 8 November, 1915.
Mr Brindley, President, in the Chair. Mr J. H. BuLLOCK,
M.A., gave a lecture, illustrated with lantern slides, on The
Old Dove-Houses of Cambridgeshire and the adjacent
DISTRICT. Not printed.
Monday 15 November, 1915.
Mr Brindley, President, in the Chair. Mr Arthur
Gardner, M.A., F.S.A., gave a lecture, illustrated with lantern
slides, on Some Churches on the French Battle Fields.
Not printed.
Monday 22 November, 1915.
A meeting was held in the New Museum of Archaeology
and Ethnology, Downing Street, by invitation of the Curator,
Baron Anatole von Hugel, who conducted the members and
friends over the building and exhibited many of the most
interesting objects in the Collection, especially objects recently
acquired.
Monday 29 November, 1915.
Mr Brindley, President, in the Chair. The Report of the
Council for the year 1914-15, and the Summary of Accounts
for the year 1914, were adopted.
Prof. Ridgeway, Sc.D., F.B.A., gave a lecture, illustrated
with specimens of metal work and with lantern slides, on Iron
and its History. Not printed.
C. A. S, Comm. You XX. 2
18
CAMBRIDGK ANTIQUARIAN SOCIETY
Monday 31 January, 1916.
Mr Brindley, President, in the Chair. The Ven. Archdeacon
Cunningham, D.D., F.B.A., gave a lecture on Cambridgeshire
Materials for the History of Agriculture.
Printed at page 39.
Monday 7 February, 1916.
Mr Brindley, President, in the Chair. Prof. F. H AVER-
FIELD, LL.D., F.S.A., F.B.A., sent a paper, read by proxy,
entitled Arretine Fragments in Cambridgeshire.
Printed at page 53.
Mr F. B. G. Hief, of Sidney Sussex College, read a paper
on Roman and Saxon Antiquities found near Kettering.
Printed at page 59.
Monday 14 February, 1916.
Mr Brindley, President, in the Chair. Mr Aylward '
Blackman, M.A., Excavator to the Egyptian Exploration -
Fund, gave a lecture, illustrated with lantern slides, on The i
Decorated Tomb Chapels at Meir, Egypt. Not printed.
Monday 21 February, 1916.
Mr Brindley, President, in the Chair, Mr Samuel i\]
Gardner gave a lecture, illustrated with lantern slides, on
English Gothic Foliage Sculpture. Printed at page 67.
Monday 28 February, 1916.
Mr Brindley, President, in the Chair. Mr G. C. Druce,
F.S.A., gave a lecture on Animals in Mediaeval Sculpture.
Printed at page 73.
Monday 8 May, 1916.
Mr Brindley, President, in the Chair. A paper, con- i
tributed by Mr Edgar Powell, B.A., on The Hearth TaxJis*
for the Town of Cambridge, a.d. 1664 and 1674, was read by |
the Ven. Archdeacon Cunningham, who added some observa- '
tions of his own on the subject. Printed at page 80. ;
MEETINGS WITH COMMUNICATIONS
19
Monday 15 May, 1916.
Mr Brixdlev, President, in the Chair. Mr A. E. Clarke
read a paper un his collection of Old English Pottery,
illustrated with many fiue colour-photographs for the optical
lantern. Not printed.
Monday 22 May, 1916.
Mr Brindley, President, in the Chair. Prof. T. McKenny
Hughes. F.R.S., F.S.A., read a paper on Dr Dale's Visits to
'Cambridge, 17*22-38. Printed at page 95.
Monday 29 May, 1916.
Mr Brindley, President, in the Chair. The President
read a paper, illustrated with lantern slides, on The Ship of
|the Seal of Paris. Printed at page 120.
Monday 5 June, 1916.
SEVENTY-SIXTH ANNUAL GENERAL MEETING.
Mr Brindley, President, in the Chair. The Officers of the
Society were elected for the ensuing yesLV. (See list on next
:.age.)
This was an Open Meeting, at which a number of Objects
)f Antiquarian Interest were exhibited and described by several
nembers of the Society.
Prof. E. S. Prior, F.S.A., A.R.A., gave a note on The
jyzantine Origin of the Cross Sculpture at Bewcastle
vND Ruthwell. Not printed.
Mr Hugh Scott, M.A., exhibited a collection of Early
','lay Tobacco-pipes found near Barton Road, Cambridge,
nd read a paper describing the same. Printed at page 147.
The Rev. T. A. Walker, LL.D., exhibited an(i described
lN Ancient Document frOxM Peterhouse Treasury, giving
'articulars of a Conveyance of certain Property in
;He Jewry before the Foundation of the College, and
: aving attached to it a Receipt in Hebrew.
'. 2—2
I
20
CAMBRIDGE ANTIQUARIAN SOCIETY
OFFICERS FOR 1916—1917
Elected 5 June, 1916.
PRESIDENT.
Harold Hulme Brindley, M.A., St John's College.
VICE-PRESIDENT.
Rev. David Herbert Somerset Cranage, Litt.D., F.S.A., King's'
College.
MEMBERS OF COUNCIL.
Rev. Henry Paine Stokes, liL.D., F.S.A., Corpus Christi College.^
Miss Catherine E. Parsons, Horseheath, Cambs.
John Reynolds Wardale, M.A., Clare College.
Arthur Edward Clarke, Inisfail^ Hills Road.
TREASURER.
Herbert Flack Bird, 30, Pantoyl Street.
SECRETARY AND EDITOR OF PUBLICATIONS.
Frank James Allen, M.D., St John's College. 8, Halifax Roadi
Excursion Secretary.
Mansfield Duval Forbes, M.A., Clare College.
For complete list of Officers, see next page.
21
LIST OF OFFICERS, 1916—1917.
PRESIDENT.
Harold Hulme Brindley, M.A., St John's College.
I
VICE-PRESIDENTS.
William Ridgeway, Sc.D., F.B.A., Gonville and Caius College,
Disney Professor of Archaeology.
Thomas McKenny Hughes, M.A., F.R.S., F.S.A., Clare College,
Woodioardiaii Professor.
Rev. David Herbert Somerset Cranage, Litt.D., F.S.A., King's
College.
ORDINARY MEMBERS OF COUNCIL.
Arthur Gray, M.A., Master of Jesus College.
John Venn, Sc.D., F.R.S., F.S.A., Gonville and Caius College.
Edward Schroeder Prior, M.A., F.S.A., A.R.A., Gonville and
Caius College, Slade Professor.
Alfred Cort Haddon, Sc.D., F.R.S., Christ's College.
Wynfrid Laurence Henry Duckworth, M.D., Sc.D., Jesus
College.
Ellis Hovell Minns, M.A., Pembroke College.
Hugh Scott, M.A., Trinity College.
Mansfield Duval Forbes, M.A., Clare College.
Rev. Henry Paine Stokes, LL.D., F.S.A., Corpus Christi Colleg'e.
Miss Catherine E. Parsons, Horseheath, Cambs.
John Reynolds Wardale, M.A., Clare College.
Arthur Edward Clarke, Inisfail, Hills Road.
TREASURER.
Herbert Flack Bird, 30, Panton Street.
SECRETARY AND EDITOR OF PUBLICATIONS.
Frank James Allen, M.D., St John's College. 8, Halifax Road.
Auditors.
James Bennet Peace, M.A., Emmanuel College.
George Brimley Bowes, M.A., Emmanuel College.
Excursion Secretary.
Mansfield Duval Forbes, M.A., Clare College.
22
REV. H. P. STOKES
Wayside Crosses in Cambridge.
By the Rev. H. R Stokes, LL.D., Litt.D., F.S.A.
Read May 17, 1915.
In the seventeenth year of King Edward the Fourth (1478)
one Blackmore compiled " a terry perfect of all the lands lieing
in the feilds of Cambridge divided into 3 several seasons or
times of plowing, for one season or parte of the feilds lieth
fallow every third yeare and so they are all sett downe in this
terry as they are severally and yearelie laied out."
This famous terrier itself contained extracts and extents
from previous surveys, but Blackmore's compilation was so
detailed and accurate that it was again and again copied in
after times, the names of new occupiers and various notes being
added by the different editors.
There is such a copy, w^hich formerly belonged to Corpus,
in the University Library^; this describes the western fields.
There is another copy, or rather there are two copies — of the
eastern fields — at Jesus College. These were felicitously used f
by Maitland in his Township and Borough. There was formerly,
in the chest of Great St Andrew's Church, an old Field Book,
which in the reign of Queen Elizabeth belonged to Alderman
William Bright. This is unfortunately lost, a loss the more to
be regretted because it contained sketches of wayside crosses, i
One of these, however, which is figured and described hereafter, ;
has been preserved in the Bow tell MSS at Downing College.
Other colleges, Corpus, Trinity, Trinity Hall, St John's,
Caius, &c., have Field Books of various dates.
1 Add. MS 2601; Maitland, Toivnship and Borotigh, pp. 5 and 123;
Seebohm, English Village Community (3rd edn), p. 19.
Camb. Ant. Soc. Vol. XX.
Plate I, p. 23
Fig. 2. Part of Hamorid's Map, 1592 ; reduced
size, showing the Stone Cross.
in
WAYSIDE CROSSES IN CAMBRIDGE
23
But special attention may be drawn to three or four copies
o( Blackmore, which have lately been unearthed in the archives
of Peterhouse ; copies dating back to the years 1561, 1572 and
1604. These are the more interesting, because they contain
drawings of wayside crosses and thumb-nail sketches of certain
landmarks. Permission has kindly been granted by the Master
and Fellows of our oldest college to reproduce some of these.
Let us begin on the other side of the river, in the northern
part of Cambridge.
Caius, in his Htsto7'ij\ speaks of the Gnix Forensis. "Close
to the Castle (he says) is a Market Cross, constructed of solid
stone, on the northern side of the Castle. It is called the
Market Cross from the circumstance that there is a constant
tradition that about it the market of the old town was formerly
held."
This Cross is doubtless to be identified with the High Cross
mentioned in the following extract from Blackmore : " Ashwick-
stone is by the high crosse at castle end, south west of the stone
crosse as it were a quoit cast otf, Huntington way betwixt, and
is now a hill, and once stood there a little stomped crosse." As
the Master of Jesus ^ points out " Ashwyke stone is a recognised
mere-stone standing on the western side of Castle Street and
just at its junction with Mount Pleasant, anciently called Hore
HilP or Hare Hill."
We thus have two noted wayside crosses at the top of Castle
Street ; the Market Cross on the west side, and the Stone Cross
opposite on the east side, ia little further north on the Hun-
tingdon Road.
^ Caius : Hist. Cant. (1574j, p. 9 : " Proximum Crux forensis est, ex lirnio
lapide, ad septentrionalem castri partem extructa, forensis crux appellaia, quod
circum earn veteris urbis forum, olim celebratum fuisse constans fama est."
'■^ A. Gray, M.A., "The Watercourse called Cambridge," CA.S. xxxviii,
pp. 64 and 65 ; and " The Dual Origin of the Town of Cambridge," C. A. S., Quarto
Publications, New Series i, p. 13.
3 " Hare Hill abutteth his east hed upon hentingeten waye, sowthe from y"
stone crosse... y° layne y*^ cometh from S. Peter's churche abutteth on y'' hill."
24
REV. H. P. STOKES
Sketches of these crosses are here reproduced from the
Corpus Field Book in the University Library,
^/^J^^l and from Hamond's Map (dated 1592).
As there is some doubt as to these crosses
and perhaps another a little further along
the Huntingdon Road, a number of extracts
from various terriers may be given, so that the
{ytt^lf reader may form his own opinion.
q^i^jOfi-, " Huntinton way^ beginneth at the high
Hish Cross, from stone crosse at the castle end and is now a
Univ. Lib. MS. cawsey and reacheth to Howse and so parteth
Cambridge feilds and Chesterton feilds."
" Great How way^ beginneth at the Pitts without the Castle
beside the Stone Cross westwards, and so goeth streight to
Great How Hill ward, and so to the north side of the Conduit
hedd till it cometh to a green medow which goeth to More
barnes called Brandrowth."
" Great How Feild^: The first furlong abutteth at his south
hedd next the Claypitts of Aswykystone and the sellions of this
furlong ought to be counted at their north hedd."
" viii sellions of the land of the hospitall of St John the
Evangelist, notwithstanding some of them are gores on the
north parte, with one long butt lieing on the weste parte at
their south hedd and be the first of the east beyond the high
stone crosse without the castell next Huntington way...vi acres."
Of a later date are the following extracts from The Thick
Black Book^ of the Treasury of St John's College :
" 35 Henry VIII. Lease to William Sherwood, bedell, of a
farjn called ' the ferme of the great barne ' at the north end of
Cambridge, nigh unto the stone crosse in Huntingdon waie and
the chalke pittes there."
" 3 Elizabeth. Lease to Roger Haryson, college cook, of the
farm of the great barn at the castle end with one close walled ^
with a mud wall and a great barn within it ' nyghe unto the
stone crosse in Huntington waye ' and the chalk pits and land."
1 Peterhouse Field Book, ii, p. 72.
2 Ibid., II, p. 71. ^ Ibid., ii, p. 5.
Baker-Mayor : History of St John's College, i, pp. 365, 387.
WAYSIDE CROSSES IN CAMBRIDGE
25
To resume the quotations from the old Field Books :
"Stonepen Crouch Way^ beginneth beside Chalkewell and
goeth north and west till it cometh into St Neots way, and
parteth great How feilds from the first furlong in Middlefeilds,
yet both feilds sowen together, and this way taketh his name of
a stone cross which stood upon a little hill at the end of the
first selion of the hospital at the end of St Neots-way, the 19
lands from St Neot's way."
" Middle Field and Carmfield" : A short furlong that con-
taines x butts of Bennett Col] edge lieing beyond at the south
hedd of the 3 selions of the Prior of Barnwell last before and
abutt at the east hedd on the St Neots waie, and lyes next the
high crosse."
" High Crosse furlong^ is the 9th furlong in the Middle
Fields, and is but a little hill in St Neots way almost at the
More Barns."
In these western Cambridge Fields — within their boundaries,
though towards adjacent villages — stood two or three other
Wayside Crosses.
" Barton Crosse^ standeth on the further side of all Cam-
bridge feilds at the end of Clint way, and a little greene hill
hard by Barton way over against the middest of the 8 selions of
the Monastery of Denny"; so says the old Field Book. The
Master of Jesus^ in modern words, writes: "Barton way, which
began at Ashwyke Stone, near the Castle, crossed the University
Kifle Range, where traces of its hedgerows are still discernible,
and joined the present Barton Road at Barton Cross, which
stood on the boundary of Cambridge and Coton Fields."
To return to the old records, we read : " Clint way" beginneth
next Coton feilds at a great balke that parteth Cambridge feilds
and Coton feild above a hill and it goeth on the far side of all
Cambridge feild, and it parteth Cambridge feild IVom Barton
feild, and it endeth at a Cnjsse of trees that stands in Barton
1 Bowtell MSS, in, 257; FeteihovLHe Field JUwks, ii, }). 71.
2 Peterhouse Field Books, ii, 37. Ibid., ii, p. 2.
4 Ibid., II, p. 75. '"' Dual Cambridge, u. s., p. 20.
Peterhouse Field Books, ii, p. 74.
26
REV. H. P. STOKES
waie on a little greene hill over against the middest of the
8 selions of the monastery of Denny."
In the celebrated Corpus Field Book^ now in the University
Library, there is a thumb-nail sketch of " Colys Crosse in Clynt
waye " at the end of Middlefields. This cross may be the same
as Barton Cross.
One of the Peterhouse books, that edited by " Edward Ball
of Cambrydg Burgesse " in 1561, speaks of Hewnell Cross^
which " standeth in Barton way over against the 6 selions of
Roger Harleton in the third ffurlong." Hewnell Cross may be
also another name for Barton Cross.
Another record says : " Old Newneham ^ way beginneth a
good way without Newnham to Grancesterwards at hould trewe
Crosse, and it goeth betweene Grancester feild and Cambridge
feilds till you come to Port-bridge towards Barton."
This perhaps refers to the " Newenham Cross " mentioned
in the Parliament Rolls ^ under date 1444 (23 H. VI).
Let us cross the river, and come at once to the centre of
Cambridge as it now is — to the Market Place behind the Church
of Great St Mary. There, of old, stood another Crax Forensis.
Of this Market Cross we must speak at length.
For centuries, until its demolition in 1788, this Cross stood
on the west side of the upper end of the Market Hill, fronting
the Row called Union Street, which with Pump Lane formerly
blocked the east end of St Mary's Church. It was erected on
a slight elevation, called, in Cambridge fashion, the Green Hill^
The appearance of the Cross in Tudor times may be seen
from the interesting maps of that period.
It is not well shown in Lyue's Map (1574)
for the upper part of the cross is therein
hidden by the canopy. But in Braun's plan
(dated a little later) we have a full view of
' the cross together with the steps upon which
The Market Cross . , i , , i i <• . j
(Lyne's Map, 1574) it stood, and the lead-covered root supported
1 University Library, Add. MS 2601, p. 246.
2 Peterhouse Field Books, i, p. 74. ^ Ibid., ii, p. 8.
^ Rot. Parliam., v, p. 9Sh. * Cambridge Portfolio, ii, p. 319.
Camb.^Ant. Soc. Vol. XX.
Plate II, p.
WAYSIDE CROSSES IN CAMBRIDGE
27
by columns. This canopy was shortly afterwards destroyed, and
in Haniond s Map (1592) the Cross alone is shown upon its
stone pedestal : reproduced by kind permission of Mr Bowes.
The structure and the appearance of the Market Cross may
further be gathered from the following details of repairs,
alterations and changes : these descriptions are mostly taken
from the Corporation records as printed in Bowtell's MSS^ in
the Cambridge Portfolio'-, in Cooper's Annals'^, &c.:
" 1564. Item, to y*^ Painter for payntiiige y® market Crosse, xv*". iiij*^.
Item, paid to y^ plomer for mending leads about y^
crosse, iiij^"
" 1569. Item, for xxiiij^^ of leade, xv^i of soder, & ii busshells of coles
occupied about the market crosse, xi^"
" 1587. [Receipt.] Item, of Thomas Metcalf for y" old wood of the
crosse, xx^"
" [Payments.] Item, for takinge leade of y^ crosse and for
carryinge the same, and for watchinge it the night before it was taken
downe, & for takinge downe the tymber, iii^. iiij'^."
" 1593. The leade that w^as taken' of the market crosse do waye two
and twentie hundrethe lackynge xiiii^i. M^' Howell hathe taken it l^y
waighte to the use of the towne, this appearithe in y« comon daie booke."
li. s. d.
" 1639. Item, to Goodman Ireland for mending of the
Crosse , 05. 13. 04
Item, for whitinge of the Crosse 00. 01. 00"
" 1644. [Receipts.] Item, Received for A stone parte of
the Crosse sold to M^- Nicholson 00. 06. 00"
1664. On the 12th of January, 1663, 4, the Corporation oreiered the
Cross on the Market Hill to be repaired at the charge of the town. On
the 16th of August, 1664, was presented to the (Corporation a bill of
Alderman Wells, in which he charges £20, for rebuilding the Cross and
£9. 95. 20?. for paving about the Cross.
1726. At a Common Day held on the 11th of October it was agreed
and ordered, "that ]\P' Edward Phipps one of the (Jhiefe Constables of this
Towne have leave at his own charges to build a Watch House or (hiarde
House adjoining to the Market Cross, not exceeding sixteen foot long &
^ Bowtell MSS (Downing College), iii, p. 506; iv, p. 1)00; vii, p. 2074; iVrc.
^ Cambridge Portfolio, ii, pp. 318, 9.
Cooper's Annals, under the difierent dates.
28
REV. H. P. STOKES
eleven foot wide, and that in such building he may make use of stones
that shall be taken out of the Cross."
On the 25th, this order was vacated, " Provided that M^" Norris
Lamborn sen. give security to this Corporation to make good at his own
costs and charges that part of the Cross which was pulled down on this
occasion,"
" 1754. At a Town Sessions held on the 12th of February, the Court
ordered the chief constable to pay Edward' Thompson stone-cutter
£5. 3s. lOd. for mending and repairing the Market Cross."
1773. Certain repairs were carried out during this year, according to
the account in the Cmnbi'idge Portfolio.
1786. On the 9th of June, the Corporation "ordered that the Market
Cross be removed to some more convenient place," and appointed a com-
mittee of three Aldermen and three Common Councillors to consider of a
more jjroper place " if they shall think a Cross necessary."
From these interesting details, from engravings in Foxe's
Book of Martyrs, from the elevations on various maps of Cam-
bridge, from the description in an old Guide Book about to be
quoted, and from a rough woodcut which for many years ap-
peared upon the Bellmaris verse-sheet, we can picture at various
periods the canopied Cross ; the Cross with the roof removed ;
" the severall Seats of the Crosse " after its partial destruction
during the Commonwealth, and the curious re-erection when the
Monarchy was restored. This is described in Cantahrigia
Depicta (published in 1763), as "being an handsome square
stone Pillar of the Ionic Order ; at the top of which is an Orb
and cross gilt."
The Market Cross was the scene of many national or
municipal proclamations. Here many royal accessions were
announced. Here on July 20th, 1553, the Duke of Northum-
berland (feeling that the cause of his daughter-in-law, the Lady
Jane Grey, had failed) " came to the market crosse' of the towne
and calling for an Herault, himselfe proclamed Queene Mary,
and among other he threwe uppe his owne cappe." But this
enthusiasm did not save the Duke, who within less than a week
was a prisoner, awaiting execution, in the Tower of London.
Here, in May 1660, after the Restoration King Charles 11 was
1 Stowe, Annates (1605 edn.), p. 1033 ; Cooper, Annals, ii, p. 75.
WAYSIDE CROSSES IN CAMBRIDGE
29
procLiimed. The following are contemporary accounts^ of the
proceedings :
"Upon Thursday, being the 10th of May, 1660, the Yicechancellor
sent to all the Heads or in their absence the Presidents to come to the
Schooles at one of the clock, and bring all their Fellows and Scholars in
their Formalitys, which done accordingly, the Yicechancellor and all the
Doctors in Scarlet Gowns the Regents and Non Regents and Bachellors in
their hoods turned and all the Schollars in Capps went with lowd Musick
before them to the Crosse on the Market Hill. The Yicechancellor Beadles
and as many D^'* as could stood upon the severall Seats of the Crosse, and
the School Keeper standing near them made 3 Oyeis. The Yicechancellor
dictateei to the Beadle who proclaymed the same with an audible voice.
^ From the Crosse they w^ent to the midst of the Market Hill, where they
did the like, the ]\tusick brought them back to the Schooles again. & there
left them, & went up to the to}) of King's College Chapell, where they
played a great while.... The Yicechancellor sent to the Mayor for him & his
Brethren to joyne with the University in the Proclamation, but his answere
! was they could not doe it till to morrow & would doe it on Horseback."
"On Friday 11th May 1660, King Charles the Second was proclaymed
King by John Ew4n Chandler then Maior of Cambridge. The Maior him-
self read the Proclamacion, the Towne Clerke more audibly spoke it after
him : with the Maior was the Recorder in his Gowne and all the
Aldermen in their Scarlet Gownes on horseback and all the freemen on
horseback. They proclaimed (in 2 severall places) in the great Markett
Place, etc., etc."
"On Saturday the 12th May 1660, the King was proclaymed on King's
College, all y"^ Souldiers were placed round on the topp of their chappell
I from whence they gave a volley of shott."
From the same central Cross, subsequent sovereigns were
proclaimed ; accounts of the proceedings in the cases of J ames II
and George III are preserved, while Queen Victoria's accession
was heralded first of all in Cambridge from the site of this old
Market Cross.
Similarly other historical or municipal events are connected
with this Crux Forensis :
In 1524 the Deputy Vice-Chancellor excommuni'^ated George
Foyster, the Mayor, for maintaining his jurisdiction against the
liberties of the University ; notices of this were set and fixed
1 See Baker's MSS, xxxiii, 337; xlti, 229; Newton's Dianj (ed. J. E.
I Foster, M.A.), C.A.S., Octavo Publications, xxiii, p. 1; Cooper, Annals, ni,
pp. 478, 9.
.30
REV. H. P. STOKES
upon the Market Cross ^ among other places. So in 1529
another Deputy Vice-Chancellor excommunicated another
Mayor, Edward Slegge, for the like reason; the instrument
of excommunication being affixed to the Market Crossl
It may be remarked that, among the accounts^ of the Town
Treasurers for the year 1546, is the following "item, for small
nayles on the proclamacions on the markett crosse and other
places, ob."
At the beginning of January 1557, one of the most dis-
graceful scenes in the history of the University was enacted.
Certain Papal commissioners^ visited Cambridge, and amongst
other proceedings against the " heretics " dealt with the teaching
of Bucer and Fagius, whom the University had welcomed in
the da3^s of Edward VI. , The Vice-Chancellor required those
deceased Professors to be cited ! and notice thereof was affixed
to the Market Cross. The bodies were taken from their graves
and were burnt upon Market Hill. The accounts of this
shocking affair form remarkable reading in Mere's Diary and
in Foxe's Book of Martyrs ; in the latter of which a graphic
illustration shows us the Market Cross as the centre of the
proceedings. (Plate II, fig. 2.)
The Town authorities also affixed their notices in the same
prominent place ; and so surreptitiously did other persons. For
instance, in 1757, a paper reflecting upon the magistrates, with
reference to the allowance of certain poor rates,, was affixed to
the Market Cross and circulated. The author was John
Delaporte a hair merchant, who at the Town Sessions held
on the 18th of January was severely reprimanded by the
Recorder.
Near to the Market Cross were situate the Pillory and the
Stocks; and the Bull-Ring seems from the following notice*^
(dated 1607) to have been in this neighbourhood : " A Decree
^ Corporation Muniments, quoted in Cooper's Annals, i, p. 350.
2 Baker MS x, 241; Cooper's Annals, i, pp. 331, 2.
3 Town Treasurers' Accounts, 1546 ; Cooper's Annals, i, p. 440.
4 Foxe's Acts and Monuments (ed. Townsend, 1843), viii, p. 273; Original
Documents, C.C.G. (ed. Lamb), p. 205.
^ Toivu Sessions Book, quoted in Cooper's Annals, iv, p. 296.
6 Stat. Acad. Cantab., p. 472,
WAYSIDE CROSSES IN CAMBRIDGE
31
for Reforming great Disorders at Publick Assemblies in the
University. If any that have or shall have part in the disorders
or any of them not being a scholar shall l)e found an offender,
then any such person shall be punished by imprisonment and
sitting in the stocks at the bull-ring in the market place, so
long as to Mr vice-chancellor shall seem good, according to the
quality of the person and the degree of the offence."
The Stocks and the Pillory and the Bull-Ring are tempting
subjects, but we must keep to the Market Cross ; though the
\ whippings thereat ought to be noticed, not only in the case of
! Rogues in general, but also in such instances as that recorded^
i in 1658, when two Quakeresses, named Ann Williams and Mary
] Fisher, charged with preaching near Sidney College, were
1 ordered to be stripped to the waist and flogged at the Market
] Cross.
j Before leaving the neighbourhood of the Church of St Mary
j at the Forum, it ms,y be noted that the large circular indentation
(at the base of the tower on the south side of the west entrance)
I is sometimes spoken of as a Cross — as a Consecration Cross.
This is, of course, a mistake : the circle is simply a mark" from
which the u^iile-stones on the outgoing roads are measured.
A true Consecration Cross may be seen in Holy Trinity
j Church — in the interior of course — on the north-west wall.
i
i '
I
I Keeping now more strictly to the consideration of Wayside
j Crosses, let us turn from the centre of the Town to the outskirts,
I remembering how quickly, in olden times, the house-covered
area passed into the Open Fields.
In Holy Trinity Parish, at the angle formed b}^ Hobson
! Street and King Street (formerly called Wall's, or Wale's, Lane)
I there stood of old a cross known as Cope's Cross. Close b}^
i the King's Ditch was crossed by a chain-bridge
In the same parish, we learn from an old Radeguud
^ B. Nutter, The Stonj of the Cambridge Baptists, p. 41.
. I 2 See Warre7i's Book, edited for Trinity Hall by A. W. W. Dale, p. 2()5.
3 Arthur Gray (Master of Jesus College), Letter to the Camhridjie Chronicle,
23rd Oct. 1894; The Priory of St Eadegund, CA.S., Octavo Publications, xxxi,
32
REV. H. P. STOKES
document, there was, in mediaeval days, outside the ditch, a
cross called Garvin Cross ^ Apparently this was also known
as Garewycscruche I
Going somewhat further East, another deed, preserved in
the Treasury of Jesus College, refers to "a lane leading from
the Stone-Cross"^ to the River."
At the southern end of the town, by the roadside, stood
three or four Crosses, which are frequently alluded to, and
sometimes illustrated, in the old Field Books and Terriers.
The most prominent of these was known as Dawe's Cross,
and stood at the junction of Deep way (now Lensfield Road)
with the Hadstock Road (now Hills Road). It probably occupied l|
the position held for a generation or two in modern times by |
the Lombardy Poplar Tree, so much admired by Oliver Wendell
Holmes ^ This Cross is, again and again, mentioned in the
Field Books ; in certain of which it is somewhat elaborately
figured ; for instance, in two of the books at Peterhouse, and l'
in " a Terrier of all the Lands within the bounds of Cambridge j
now in the chest of Great St Andrew's Church." This was >
known as " Alderman William Bright's Old Field Book " and I
was dated 1575. The word "now" in the above extract refers
to the year 1796, when BowtelP inserted in his MS Books \
(preserved at Downing College) an elaborate picture of Dawe's |
Cross from this volume, which is unfortunately missing at the |
present time. It is to be wished that this interesting Field i|
Book (which doubtless contained other illustrations of old i
Cambridge landmarks) may be recovered. By the kind per- (
mission of the authorities at Peterhouse and Downing College
sketches of Dawe's Cross are here reproduced.
As to the origin of the name there is uncertainty. It t
may be called after a townsman, who held some land in the •
^ Gray's St Radegund (u. s.), Charter 100a, p. 95.
2 Ibid. Charter 1006, p. 95.
Ibid. Charter 289a, p. 131.
^ 0. W. Holmes, O^ie Hundred Days in Europe.
5 Bowtell MSS. III. 251.
Camb. Ant. Soc. Vol. XX.
Plate III, p.
Fig. 1. Dawe's Cross, from Boiotell MS.
I
f
I
I
I
WAYSIDE CROSSES IN CAMBRIDGE
33
neighbourhood, or it may (as suggested by the Peterhouse
sketches) have formed a roosting-place for the Jack-Daw.
The same Field Books also not infrequently mention another
I Cross, standing on the Hinton Way (now Mill Road), which
! served -as a landmark in the descriptions of the furlongs and
I selions of that part of the Open Fields. It was situated near
; where the Union (81a Mill Road) now stands. An illustration
■ of it, from the Peterhouse Terriers, is here shown, by kind
i permission of the College.
i Coining to later times, Baker's Map of Cambridge (1836)
' marks a Stone Cross on the Hills Road, a little beyond and on
\ the opposite side to the first mile-stone.
The same map, on the Trumpington Road, shows a Stump
i Cross, about half a mile beyond the celebrated mile-stone at
' the old Ford.
But, though this date is within the memory of some of our
old folk, no recollection of these two crosses seems to be retained.
The Cambridge Bellmen.
By the Rev. H. P. Stokes, LL.D., Litt.D., F.S.A.
Read May 17, 1915.
The Bellman was an important and picturesque official —
much in evidence in days of old. He was sometimes identical
with — he was very often confused with — the Watchman, the
; Crier, or even the Postman^ — before the days of Sir Robert
' Peel and Sir Rowland Hill.
The Bellman had his duties by day, with his public cries
and advertisements and summonses. He had his duties by
^ The question of Postmen as Bellmen is not here dealt with, as not affecting
Cambridge, otherwise it might be added that even Post-women sometimes acted
j as Bell-women. In Bowles and Carver's Garicdtures (ii, oB), there is a coloured
■picture, by Henry Morland, of a Bell-woman (c. 1770). She is ringing a bell
; and holding out her hand for a penny to a boy — who has lost his penny.
C. A. S. Comm. Vol. XX, 3
84
REV. H. P. 8T0KES
night — "going round tho parish (says Stow) with a bell, and l|
at evor}^ lane's end, and at the ward's end, giving warning oft'
fire or candle, and to help the poor and pray for the dead."
" I staid lip " said Pepys the diarist, writing on January l7th, ,
1660, " I staid till the bellman came by with his bell just under •
my window as I was writing of this very line, and cried : ' Pasti
one of the clock, and a cold, frosty, windy morning '." j
If this paper were written for a Society which was Literary!
rather than Antiquarian, quotations about the Bellman from |
many an English author would be made, and references would p||
be given to many a fly-sheet issued in connection with this j
official. \
Shakespeare's lines would head the list, from Macbeth : \
" It was the owl that shrieked, the fatal bellman, i'
Which gives the stern'st good night." !
And Milton would follow, with this couplet from II Penseroso: i
" Or the bellman's drowsy charm »
To bless the door from ever}^ harm." J
Thomas Dekker's series of pamphlets — beginning with The ;
Bellman of London — in their various editions would be alluded '
to. And so would Herrick ; and Addison and Swift and Gay ; •
and Vincent Bourne's Latin verses. And so on. i
The reference to Dekker reminds us that interesting wood- i
cuts illustrated the title-pages of his tractates : In The Bellman \
of London (1608) may be seen a picture, reproduced on Plate IV, |
fig. 1, of a Bellman, carrying his bell, his lantern and his halberd, "
and followed by his dog\ In the Lanthorne and Candlelight \
or The Bellman s 2ud Night Walk (1609), is another sketch i
of a Bellman in a nightcap, also carrying bell, lantern and ' i
brownbill ; but the dog is cut off. The same woodcut appears
in 0 per se 0, or a Neiv Gryer of Lanthorne and Candlelight,
Being an Addition, or Lengthening of the Bellman s 2nd Night 1
Walke (1612). The picture appears yet again in a "fift'
^ It will be remembered that, in the bunting scene in the Induction to the '
Taming of the Shrew, Shakespeare calls one of the dogs " Belman." Anyone, ji
who has followed a pack of beagles over ploughed fields, will understand how I
appropriate the name is.
Camb. Ant. Soc. Vol. XX.
Plate IV, p. 34
Fig. 1. From Dekker's The Bellman of London^ 1608.
Fig. 2. Rough sketch from Dekker's The Ih'lhuait of London, 1(54(1.
I
THK CAMBRIDGE BELLMEN
35
impression" of The Bellman of London (in 1640), where the
dog, whieli was omitted in the volume just mentioned, follows
his master according to the approved practice.
Before alluding to other somewhat similar sketches, it
should be remarked that "it seems^ to have been customary
for the Bellman to go about at a certain season of the year,
probably Christmas, amongst the householders of his district,
giving each a copy of his broadside — 'firing a broadside at
each, as it were — and expecting from each in return some
small gratuity, as an addition to his ordinary salary. The
execrable character of his poetry is indicated by the contempt
with which the wits speak of ' bellman's verses '."
Copies of such ephemeral verses are, of course, difficult to
meet with ; but, here and there, in private collections or in
printed ballad books, they may be found.
In the Pepysian Library at Magdalene College, for instance,
there are several volumes of fly-sheets and ballads. Among
these'-^ may be seen " A new Ballad intituled,
A Bell man from England,
Which night and day doth stand,
And ring in all men's hearing,
God's vengeance is at hand."
This is illustrated by a conventional woodcut of a Bellman ;
and on the preceding page, another fly-sheet is similarly adorned
with a Bellman, carrying his pole and lanthorn and bell, and
followed by his dog.
Again, in the Luttrell Collection of Broadsides in the
British Museum, there may be seen, under date l(3(S3-4,
A copy of Verses^ presented by Isaac Ragg, Bellman, to his
Masters and Mistresses of Holbourn Division, in the Parish c^f
■^t Giles's-in-the-Fields." Herein, the Bellman is figured with
)(»inted pole in his left hand and bell in his right, while his
i an tern hangs from his jacket in front. In the same Collection
-no. 110) Thomas Law, Bellman, of St Giles's, Cripplegate, has
• Mses, dated 1666. In this case there is no illustrntion.
^ The quotation is from Chambers's Book of Days, i, 497.
Pepysian Library : Collections of Ballads &c., Vol. i, p. 54.
3 The Luttrell Collection of Broadsides, Ji.M., no. 50.
3—3
36
KEV. TT. P. STOKES
Then^ was a collection', })riiibe(l in London in 1707, entitled
'* The helhiians l^redsii.ri/, containing a Hundred several Verses
fitted for all Humours and Fancies, and suited to all times and
seasons."
Mr Edward F. Rimbault edited a Collection '-^ of Bellmen's
Songs.
We turn now to the Bellmen of Cambridge ; and may
introduce this official to the reader as he appeared on a state
occasion.
In the year 1727, the Corporation went in procession to
proclaim Sturbridge Fair, in the following order^:
The Crier in Scarlet on Horseback.
28 Petty Constables on foot.
Three Drums.
Banners and Streamers.
The Grand Marshall.
Two Trumpets.
The Town Music (12 in number).
Two French Horns.
The Bellman in state with the stand on Horseback.
Four Serjeants at Mace on Horseback.
Head Serjeant with the great Mace on Horseback.
The Town Clerk on Horseback.
The Mayor in his robes mounted on a Horse richly
caparisoned, led by two footmen called red coats
with white wands.
&c. &c. &c.
Here it will be noticed that the Bellman is distinguished,
in order and in importance, from the Crier.
The duties of the Bellman, by day and by night, would
be much the same as those mentioned above as obtaining in
London and in other parts of the country. It is not necessary,
therefore, to dwell upon those ; nor even to attempt to dis-
criminate between the functions performed respectively by
1 See Hone, Every Day Book, ii, 1594. 1
^ See Notes and Queries, Vol. i, p. 452. It should be added that, scattered '
throughout the voluraes of this useful serial, may be seen numerous references j
to Bellmen etc. 3 Cooper's Annals, iv, 195.
THE CAMBRIDGE BELLMEN
37
the Bellman and by the Crier. It will be seen that later on
these offices were combined.
We may proceed at once to refer to the tly-sheet which
was issued annually, for many years, by our official ; and which
was called the Bellman s Verse Sheet Copies of these may
occasionally be met with, and the woodcuts which formed the
centre-piece of this curious production have been reproduced
in two numbers of Mr W. R. Brown's series' of Leaflets of
Local Lore.
In the first of the reproductions, the date is unfortunately
given as the year 1706; and, as it is stated to be "the 30th
sheet," the first issue would of course carry us back to the
days when Charles II was a pensioner of France. But 1706
is a mistake for 1786. This series^ seems therefore to have
begun in the year 1757 in the reign of George II. The
Inscription on most of them reads thus : " A Copy of Verses
Humbly presented to the Right Worshipful The Mayor,
Aldermen, and Common Council-Men, and the rest of my
worthy Masters and Mistresses, dwelling in Cambridge by
Samuel Saul, Bellman." Apparently this particular official
brought out such fly-sheets for 30 years until 1786. To take
the last issue as a specimen, we find about 17 pieces of
doggerel verse, beginning with a prologue, followed by an
ascription to the Mayor ; after which there are verses addressed
to my Masters, to my Mistresses, on Crispin, on St Luke, on
St Andrew, on St Thomas, on Christmas-Eve, on Christmas-
Day, on Innocents' Day, on St Michael, on the New Year,
to the Young Men, to the Young Maids, and on Time ; the
whole closed by an epilogue, ending with the words :
j " May Heaven preserve your families from hence
Until another Christmas doth commence ;
And by his Providence you always keep,
When I have laid my sounding bell to sleep."
•The subjects and the lines are quite conventional, and piu'haps
1 Copies of these Bellman's Verses, for the years 1780, 178(5, 1805, 1816,
il816, 1819, 1824, 1826, 1829, 1830 and 1831, are preserved in the Free Library.
By the permission of the Committee and by the courtesy of the Librarian, the
woodcuts, from the old and the new plates, are here reproduced.
38
REV. II. P. STOKES
1
taken from some London specimen. In this copy there are no
local allusions ; though some of the later Bellmen occasionally
referred to Cambridge affairs.
There was a central woodcut (here reproduced), which shows j
us a Bellman in a flowing wig and three-cornered hat, holding |
in his right hand a bell and in his left a javelin. His dog is
behind him. The background gives a curious representation
of the old Market Cross ; there are also some houses, at the
rear of which the tower of St Edward's Church may be seen. |
In 1787, Thomas Adams succeeded Samuel Saul as Bellman, i
and for some 35 years published the Christmas Sheet. In the
year 1815, however, he produced a "new plate" ; wherein was \
pictured a Bellman with three-cornered hat, modern coat,
breeches and stockings, with a bell in his right hand and j
with a small dog at his side. He carried no javelin, halberd I
or brownbill. The old Hobson's Conduit (now removed to j
Brookside) stands in the background. i
In July 1820, Isaac Moule, jun., succeeded Thomas Adams, \
and continued the Bellman's Sheet with its picture and its j
verses. He occasionally made topical allusions ; and he even
went so far as to conclude his production with this couplet : i
" But my space is filled up, therefore, on the whole,
I must respectfully bid you farewell — Isaac Moule."
\
The new system of police introduced by (Sir) Robert Peel |
took away, in about the year 1836, a good part of our Bell- }
man's work ; and henceforth he was chiefly occupied with the j
duties of Town Crier, to which he had been appointed on \
29 September, 1822. Isaac Moule ^ died in office on February 18, j
1854, aged 77 years. His appointment is said to have been
worth £100 a year. A pension of 10^. a week was granted i
to his widow.
George Andrews was appointed his successor as Town |
Crier, by the casting vote of the Mayor; but he only held
office for a short time. Messrs Skeels, Phillips, Thompson and ^
Robinson have occupied the position since then. The present
1 See the Cambridge Chronicle's notice of his decease, and of the election of
his successor.
Camb. Ant. Soc. Vol. XX
Plate VI, p. 39
<!>«.
C M
I
c3
a
73 f
6
THE CAMBRIDGE BELLMEN
39
Town Crier still wears officially, on his left arm, a fine silver
badge, bearing the town-arms etc., and stating the fact that it
was made in the year 1723 when Mr Thomas Nutting was
Mayor.
To return to the subject of the Bellmaris Sheet; it may
be noted in conclusion that, when the series finished under
that official, the old lamplighters took up the running ; and,
obtaining a printer and a versifier in the person of a Mr Wilson
of Jordan's Yard, they issued for many years similar effusions,
. distributing copies when soliciting Christmas boxes from the
inhabitants. The present Gas Company, however, stopped the
practice.
Since the above paper was written, an earlier copy of a
Cambridge Bellman's sheet has been noted (by Dr Palmer, of
' Linton) in the Bodleian Library (Gough, Camb. Books, 103).
The fire at Newmarket alluded to in the verses was doubtless
that which occurred on March 22, 1685 [see Alderman Newton's
Diary (C.A.S., Octavo Publications, xxiii, p. 84)].
Cambridgeshire Materials for the
History of Agriculture.
By the Ven. Archdeacon Cunningham, D.D., F.B.A.
Read January 31, 1916.
Cambridge has become a great centre of agricidtural study
and teaching, and, owing to the generosity of Sir Walter Gilbey,
special provision has been made for the teaching of the Iiistory
' of agriculture; but the eminent men who have held that
lectureship have been for the most part content to give us a
resume of the results they have obtained by study elsewhere, and
have not been at pains to examine the materials furnished by
Cambridgeshire itself. These seem to me to be of remarUablc
; value, while they are also recorded in greater detail than
appears to be the case in some other counties.
40
AtlCHDEACON CUNNINGHAM
Physical Features.
1. Cambridgeshire has undergone great changes in its
physical geography, owing to the draining of the fens. Froni
such a reservation as Wicken Fen, we can form some idea of
the character and of the possible products of the Isle of Ely
and the lower valley of the Cam ; and vve have a very remark-
able description of the county in 1605 before the great era of
improvement began, by Robert Atkyns, "a very nice observer."
He reported on the condition of the fens, with a view to framing
and carrying out a scheme for drainage. He is particular in
describing the springs and brooks, and the amount of water
which had to be dealt with locally, and he gives a great deal of
information regarding the tillage, and the herds of kine that
were maintained in different villages. He gives the link that
is necessary to carry us behind the period of draining, and to
help us to understand the conditions of this district in Eliza-
bethan times and previously ^ Some additional information
regarding the products of the unreclaimed fens may be found
in Sir William Dugdale's itinerary of his tour through the
district in 16571
The aims and objects of the various proprietors and com-
panies are related at length in Dugdale^, and Wells^ as well
as the difficulties which were met with ; while great interest
attaches to the history of the results of such undertakings
which has recently been given by the eleventh Duke of Bedford"^,
in regard to his property at Thorney, and by the late Mr Albert
Pell in regard to Grunty Fen*^.
Primitive Settlement.
2. There is enough evidence to lead us to believe that the
high land of Cambridgeshire was a corn growing area in Roman
1 R. Atkyns' report is printed in a very brief summary in Badeslade's History
of Navigation of Lynn, 74. The MS. is in the British Museum, Harl. 5011.
2 British Museum, Lansd. 722. ^ History of linbanking, 244, 299.
* History of the drainage of the Great Level of the Fens, called Bedford Level.
^ A Great Agricultural Estate, 34.
6 T. Mackay, Albert Pell, 353.
OAMBS. MATERIALS FOR THE HISTORY OF AGRICULTURE 41
times, and that the grain was probably conveyed by water to
Lincohishire and the north; but we are concerned with the
English invaders of Britain, and with the era of their settle-
ment here. They appear to have had little use for the Roman
roads as means of communication, but they found them admir-
able boundaries to fix the limits of the area over which the
cattle of each township might be pastured. If the parish be
taken as the representative of the original township, a map of
Cambridgeshire, which marks the parish boundaries, helps us to
see how the primitive villages were planted away from these
great roads and not on them. This is particulary noticeable on
the Huntingdon Road, which divides Oakington, the Long
Stantons, Swavesey and Fen Drayton from Dry Drayton, Lol-
worth, Boxworth and Conington. Similarly the St Neots road
divides Madingley, Dry Drayton, Chiiderley, Boxworth, Knap-
well, Elsworth and Papworth Eveiard from Coton, Barton,
Comberton, Hard wick, Caldecote, Bourn and Caxton. The
Old North Road forms a parish boundary almost all the way
from Royston to Caxton. The Roman Road is a parochial
boundary from close to Cambridge to the Suffolk border; and
also the Icknield way from the Fleam Dyke to Essex. It may
be inferred with high probability that the Royston Road a:hd
the Newmarket Road, which run right across one parish after
another and never form a b(mMdary at all, are later than the
era of settlement. The great dykes which run through southern
Cambridgeshire — the Fleam Dyke and the Devil's Dyke — were
also influential in marking the boundaries of the original town-
ships \
The Cam and its branches were also utilised frequent!}^ as
parish boundaries. The Bourn brook, a tributary of the Cam,
divides Caldecote, Toft, Comberton, Barton and Grantchester
from Kingston, Eversden, Harlton and Haslingticld. The town
of Cambridge presents a special case; but with this exception,
the Cam forms a parochial boundary from Upware to Chester-
ford, and the Rhee from Grantchester to Ashwell. The Lin is
a very tiny stream, and is for the most part neglected as a
1 Later cultivating centres were probably cut out in the Xlllth ciMituiy. such
as Odsey, March and Kneesworth.
42
AUCH DEACON CUNNINGHAM
boundary above Stapleford^ Again, there seems reason to
infer that a channel which runs right across a parish or parishes,
like the Cam from Upvvare to Littleport, is a later cut, and does
not represent the course which the river took at tlie period of
settlement.
The map also shows us that Cambridgeshire was occupied
by true nucleated villages ; they are but rarely grouped around
a green, though greens are found at Barrington, Eltisley, Water-
beach and Burrough Green. More frequently they form a
street straggling away from the church, which was V)uilt at a
convenient point for the conveyance of building materials, at
Cottenham, Waterbeach and Milton. The bouses for the most
part flice the street, though there are occasionally cottages for
dependents running alongside a substantial bouse. It is said
that at Fowlmere the site of British homesteads can be detected
in the present grouping of houses^.
Vancouver and Gooch.
3. There are several authorities for the history of agricul-
ture in the county, and we have specially full accounts of the
crucial period in rural history — the changes brought about by
enclosure. Partly perhaps from the college influence and concern
for a regular food supply, the traditional tillage held its own in
this county for a longer period than in the country generally ;
but this was also partly due to physical causes, which militated
against agricultural enterprise. Not only was there risk of
flood in the river valleys, but owing to the slight fall in many
places, there was unusual difficulty in drainage, and the land was
ordinarily too wet to be at its best either for tillage or pasturage.
The Cam helped to give water communication and a good
market, but its floods caused difficulty and uncertainty about
the raising of corn. There was little enclosure to speak of —
not 10 per cent, of the arable land — till the nineteenth century
and the passing of the General Enclosure Act ; and the conse-
quence is that the breaking up of open fields and enclosure of
1 It was however employed for irrigation by Pallavicini in Queen Elizabeth's
time at Babraham, Gooch, Agriculture of County of Cambridge, 258.
A, C. Yorke in Cambs. Antiq. Society Communications, N.S. ix, 281.
CAMBS. MATERIALS FOR THE HISTORY OF AGRICULTURE 43
waste, which hati been going on in other countries from time
iui memorial — in the fifteenth century, in Tudor times, and in
the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries — was deferred in the
case of Cambi idgeshire generally till the nineteenth. It is also
our fortune that, so far as Cambridgeshire is concerned, there
were competent observers to put on record their impiessicms
of the actual drainage. Mr Gooch reported on the agriculture
in 1807^ and writes with special reference to the effects of
enclosure, both of the parishes which had been enclosed long
enough for the full effects of the change to be observed^ and of
the enormous area of something like 60,000 acres which had
been enclosed more recently. For the actual process of this
belated change in Cambridgeshire his report is most admirable ;
but even more important for some reasons is the description of
the soils, which Gooch quotes with appi-obation. Thi>^ was
compiled in 1794 as a Report to the Board of Agriculture by
Mr Vancouver ; he did his work very much more thoroughly
than some of the surveyors who were employed to make these
reports, and he went over tiie county, parish by parish, giving
an account of its actual condition before enclosure took place.
He wrote with the practical object of securing that every
portion of soil should be put to its most appiopriate use, so
that the most might be made of it for the production of food
for the maintenance of the population of the couiitry^; he felt
that the practice of having one course over all the open fields
was inconsistent with growing on each soil the crop which
was most likely to flourish, and he believed that the pasture
rights on the balks were very injurious: but his chief anxiety
1 W. Gooch, General View of the Agriculture of the County of Cambridge,
1811 and reissued 1813. His report has a personal interest as he gives the names
and opinions of the recognised autliorities, Adeane, Thorj), Murtlock, Jenyns and
others (p vii). Vancouver (p. 94) mentions the tlien Ear] of Hardwicke as
particularly interested in improvements.
- Gooch, op. cit., 63.
^ There was much discussion at this time as to the use of liorses, which ate
grain — compared with that of oxen in ploughing. In Monmouth they preferred
oxen {Report p. 16), and also in Somerset {Report pp. 164, 185), while Berkshire
was said to be greatly overstocked with liorses {Report p. 46). The Isle of Ely
excelled in horse breeding (Gooch, p. 279), but the farm horses were badly
managed (Vancouver, p. 214).
44
ARCHDEACON CUNNINGHAM
is the improvement in the use of pasture land, and enclosure
as a means of preventing disease among cattle. He specially
insists on the importance of draining, and the erection of a
Court of Sewers^ in order to deal with the obstructions, which
prevented the land at Snailvvell and Chippenham from being
properly drained^ as well as at Wilbraham and Bottisham^.
His estimates of the increased rental and produce to be
obtained are framed on the assumption that arable land
continued to be used as arable, and pasture as pasture. He
distinguishes enclosed and unenclosed arable, improved and
unimproved pasture, improved and unimproved fen, meadow-
land, commons on the high lands, commons on the moors, and
sheep-walk on heath ; and he estimates the increased rental
from the improvements he suggests as £52,000 from the en-
closure of open fields, and £93,000 from the improvement of
land used for pasturage of sorts. He is more concerned with
the prevention of waste than with the introduction of improved
methods. Till the great losses were put an end to it was use-
less to discuss the steps which might lead to a "perpetual state
of fertility ^" It appears that Cambridgeshire was not typical of
English counties generally; the impulse to enclosing at that
time was given by the demands for corn ; as a matter of fact the
.actual enclosing of Cambridgeshire led to an increase of arable
at the expense of pasture farming; Vancouver fails to mention
the chief benefit which accrued from enclo^ng in the inter-
change of land from pasture to arable. His treatise is very
instructive, however, as he brings out some of the objections
which held good against this necessary improvement. There
was a general recognition of the advantage to be derived from
consolidating the holdings and doing away with the intermixed
strips'^; but, here and there, men feared that it would be im-
possible to grow hedgerows*^ and that fencing would be a con-
tinual expense. It also seemed that the yield in the parishes
1 Vancouver, op. cit., p. 203. ^ Ibid., pp. 25, 31.
Ibid., pp. 38, 39.
Reports West Riding of Yorkshire, 57.
6 Vancouver, op. ct^., 13, Ashley ; 53,Trumpington ; 66, Sawston; 74,Duxford.
*' Ibid., 58, Hildersham ; 68, Pampisford ; 81, Litlington.
CAMBS. MATERIALS FOR THE HISTORY OF AGRICULTURE 45
that had heeii enclosed did not greatly exceed that on the open
field : some of the land was soon exhausted by tenants who
cropped it continuously, while in other cases the covenants
introduced in leases, practically required that the system of
fallowing should be maintained ; the management remained
similar to that of open fields, and did not leave room for the
adoption of a really improved husbandry, which relied on giving
heart to the land by sowing turnips or grasses, and regarded it
as a mere waste to let the land ever lie idle at all. The problem
of the Berkshire farmer was to "keep the land moving" all
the time^
Survivals.
4. Just because the agriculture of the parishes of Cam-
bridgeshire, as described by Vancouver in 1794, is not typical
of English counties at that date, especially of those which had
easy access to the London market, it is in many ways instructive
as a survival of the traditional husbandry which prevailed
during the Middle Ages. The absolute separation of the area
devoted to tillage from the area devoted to pasturing cattle,
had been a characteristic feature of medifeval agriculture, and
it still held good in Cambridgeshire. The three-field system of
two crops and a fallow was in general use-; the methods of
agriculture were of long tradition ; some changes had been
made, and the cultivation of turnips" had been introduced to
some extent, and the cultivation of cinquefoil by Mr Hurrell at
Foxton was a novelty*; but on the whole the resources of the
agriculturist and the problems of the agriculturist were the
same as in the Middle Ages. There was a danger of the gradual
exhaustion of the soil ; indeed Mr Bendyshe, of Barrington, had
records to show that the agriculture there was less productive
than it had been a hundred years before^ In Vancouver's
1 Berkshire Report, 20.
" A different course of husbandry was traditional at Isleham (Vancouver, op.
cit., 34), and in the City of Ely {Ibid., 139).
At Eversden the other farmers threatened with an injunction a man who
cultivated turnips in his strips of open field, Vancouver, op. cit., 99.
■* Vancouver, op. cit., 77.
5 Vancouver, op. cit., 97. ,
46
ARCHDEACON CUNNING HAM
description of Cambridgeshire we are brought face to face witli
a description of an agricnltural tradition which probably takes
us back as far as the Hundred Rolls in 1274; the probable
popidation of the various villages, when compared with the census
of 1801, suggests that there was little change in the numbers
who could be maintained. Indeed there is no good reason
why the agricultural system of 1794 should not go back to the
period of English settlement, and even behind it to the method
of land management that was introduced into those parts of
Britain that formed part of the granary of the Roman Empire^
Though the methods of tillage may have been very similar
in 1274 and 1794, there was one very striking change between
the two periods in regard to the management of the estates I
Bailiff farming was the usual practice in the thirteenth century^,
and the tenants were under an obligation to pay onerous
services; not only had they to plough and reap, but they were
compelled to carry the lord's corn to market and as the Abbot
of Ramsey sent corn to market both by road^ and water, it is
possible that there was manorial marketing of the produce of
bailiff farming in Cambridgeshire. But in the fourteenth and
fifteenth centuries, bailiff farming had, generally speaking, been
given up, and the tenants' services of every kind were commuted
for money ; it became the practice for tenants to realise their
produce and to pay money rentals ; and the tenants were drawn
into the circle of commercial relations, and were, in man}^ dis-
trictS; influenced in their operations by the stimulus of market
prices and the demands of London. In 1794 all the tenants
paid their rent in money, but it does not seem as if natural
1 There is no reason to suppose that a uniform system prevailed everywhere
in Koman Britain. Vinogradoff, Grov)th of Manor, 84.
2 The thirteenth century appears to have been a time of great agricultural
improvement (Gras, cp. cit., 14). It would be interesting if we knew how this
knowledge was diffused and whether the same policy was pursued by different
houses belonging to the same order, and on the scattered estates belonging to
the Honour of Richmond.
3 Gras, Evolution of the English Corn Market, p. 20. Cart. Abb. Ramsey,
I, 476, 477.
4 Gras, 67; Liber Albm, i, 452.
5 Gras, 21 ; Cart. Abb. Ramsey, i, 462 ; m, 243, 282, 302.
CAMBS. MATERIALS FOR THE HISTORY OF AGRICULTURE 47
economy had wholi}^ ceased, for tithe was paid in kind^ at
. Stetchworth, Snailwell, Hinxton, Triplow and Fowlmere^.
Tliere is one case at any rate which gives sonne confirmation
I to the view that the Cambridgeshire of 1794 presents an nn-
' broken tradition. Masters, who was Vicar of Waterbeach from
1759 to 1784, gives an interesting account of the parish which
' was printed in 1795. He sa.ys, "The rest of the lands are used
as conmions by the inhabitants who, to tlie number of 120, have
each of them a right to feed fifteen head of great cattle, viz.,
milch cows, horses, mares, colts, heifers, etc.. as limited by the
said Act (1740), and to supply what may be wanting of their
own stock, to make up that number by taking in foreign stock
to agists" He notes how well the soil is adapted to gardening,
and that a comfortable maintenance may be made by growing
such things as asparagus, cauliflowers, beans and peas, and
carrying them to the Cambridge market ; while the commoners
I had the right of cutting turves for themselves, not to sell out
of the parish, and occasionally of cutting coarse hay on the
commons. The three flocks of sheep usually depastured in the
parish amounted to about 2000, which from the goodness of the
soil were usually well kept and produced a good quantit}'^ of wool
and lambs, and thereby became very profitable to the owners.
There were 120 families in the parish, or about 400 inhabitants ;
land apart Irom the land occupied by the seven principal fa.i niers,
^ ' the rest of tlie lands are divided into small parcels, and \ot to
-^uch as have a stock of milch cows, of which there arc^ usually
d^ove 800 kept in the parish for the supply of the Cambridge
market with butter, at which place it usually fetches a good
priced There are others who keep a cow or two for the support
jf their families; but many are obliged to subsist bv their
abour, and others who are past it to be supported by a rate upon
' he inhabitants, and some of them in a workliouse ])rovided
V)r the purpose." Among the parish papers there is a l)ook of
rxtracts from the Court Rolls which takes us back to tJie time
1
^ TJiis practice contiuned in the next century, (toocIi, cit. 85.
- Vancouver, op. cit., 20, 26, 69, and 71.
Masters, WaterbcacJi, 4.
^ Ibid., 6.
48
ARCHDEACON CUNNINGHAM
of Edward III. The Lady of Denny Priory did not own the
manor, but was a large proprietress and her dealings are
recorded ; despite the changes of ownership and tenure there
was no violent change in the village economy ; for we have a
series of links between the present and the past.
Pasture Farming.
5. So far as arable tillage is concerned, Vancouver's
description of Cambridge only gives us a belated illustration of
changes which are perfectly familiar in England generally, and
there is no special light to be obtained from his report in
regard to the use made of meadow land^ : but his account of
the management of stock and of pasture farming in Cam-
bridgeshire has very great value. We have comparatively few
records from which we can get any idea of the management
of cattle in the Middle Ages : mediaeval tillage by means of
services involved the keeping of accounts, but the entries in
the bailiffs' accounts in regard to dairy farming or breeding
are very meagre. In this way the survival of the mediaeval
in Cambridge is of unique interest, as it throws some light
on the practice which must have been usual in England
generally for centuries. We know that there were dairy farms :
the ruins of one remain at Spalding in Lincolnshire, and there
were important royal vaccariae in the Rossendale district of
Lancashire ^ Pasturage was a necessary element in carrying
on tillage, since there was a need not only of stock to work the
land, but of manure to improve it in every part of the country,
so that belated instances of this department of land manage-
ment as an actual thing give a certain vividness to the meagre
details on which we would otherwise be dependent. For pur-
poses of comparison it is convenient to consider pasture farming
in three aspects, (a) where common rights in pasturage were aj
recognised pn^perty, apart altogether from the occupation ofj
1 The meadow rights on the Portholm in Huntingdonshire are not attached
to any other property, but are freehold. The owners who do not wish to exer-
cise the right of mowing their plots, sell it annually.
2 Victoria County History, Lancaster II, 269, 455,
J
OAMBS. MATERIALS FOR THE HISTORY OF AGRICULTURE 49
land ill the common fields, (6) where dairy farming was prose-
cuted as a main occupation, (c) where pasture rights on the
common waste were used in connection with tillage.
(a) Taking them in order it may suffice to say that
Cambridgeshire gives unique evidence in regard to the manage-
ment of a herd of kine on common fen. The orders which
were in vogue at Cottenham^ have already been printed ;
the system existed at March and is still maintained at
Whittlesea; the traditions of the management of the common
herd are retained to-day, while the records of the management
for the last two hundred years have been carefully preserved.
Extracts from the Courts Rolls at Waterbeach in the parish
chest enable us to carry back similar regulations into the era
of bailiff farming. This survival was to some extent special to
the fen district, though there w^ere doubtless analogous ar-
rangements on Burgh Marsh on the Solway, and in other
places where land was unfit for other purposes but grew herbage
which was used for cow pasture.
(h) There were certain parishes in Cambridgeshire where
the land was specially fitted for cows, so that tillage was reduced
to a minimum and almost the whole of the land was used for
feeding cattle. Shingay and Wendy are cases in point. The
account given of them brings before us the problems of the
mediaeval dairy farmer : be had, of course, to deal with disease
and weakness, which might be associated with unsatisfactory
herbage, but he also found that the continual use of land for
ibasturage was exhausting, just as the continual use of land for
'tillage. Vancouver-^ approves of the Scottish practice of occa-
sionally breaking it up, if pasture is to be kept in good condition.
When land was frequently cut for hay, or constantly used for
ceding cattle, it was gradually deprived of useful elements
1 Camden Miscellany, Vol. xii, 170.
- Gooch, op. cit.. 65.
Vancouver, op. cit. , '201. That Scotland was not so backward agriculturally
s is sometimes supposed may be gathered from Mr Donaldson's comparison
, t Perthshire and Northamptonshire in the Appendix to the Report on
^■orthants. Napier of Merchiston managed his land excellently in 1598. Napier,
lemoirs of Montrose, i, 41.
C, A. S. Comm., Vol, XX, 4
I
!
50
ARCHDEACON CUNNINGHAM
which could not be replaced, and deteriorated as pasture, o
Gooch gives further details as to the management of pasture,,'
but in his time there are traces of improvement. Mr Jenyns, of:
Bottisham^ was in the habit of occasionally sowing his pastures^ ^
with rye grass, and the farmers generally were awake to the tei
need of replenishing the wastage caused by the carting away^
of hay. We also read of the difficulties involved in the making, y
of cheese, which must have been an important product in many^i i
districts. ! ti
(c) More typical of the conditions which existed ini
England generally was the common right, which was appendant i foi
to the possession of a plow. This was normally the right to 4
feed cattle and sheep^ on the common waste ; there was |
endless controversy through the Middle Ages, between im- ; ,5
proving landlords who enclosed the waste, and tenants who ,„
complained that insufficient pasture had been left for their \^
necessary stock. The stock which the ordinary tenant required jj,
to fulfil his obligations in the time of bailiff farming would not
be the same as in modern times ; then he needed oxen for his 1 ^
work in ploughing, and horses for his obligations of carrier's j,
work ; while there was little advantage to him in keeping sheep : |fj
which were to be folded on the lord's domain ; but after the 1
period of bailiff farming, it appears that commons were much 1 d
neglected. It was no one's interest to root out whins and ^
brushwood, or to improve the commons in any way ; the cutting '\ |
of turf was sometimes reckless and wasteful, and the common 1 \^
waste through neglect went to rack and ruin. It is very \\ j,
instructive to compare the care in the management of the i i
common fen at Waterbeach, or other fen parishes, and the \^
wastefulness and neglect which characterised the common i |,
1 Gooch, op. ciL, 187. • ^
2 At Conington the allowance was two Cows or Bullocks and fourteen Sheep 1 ll;
for every '20 Acres of land. At Orwell each owner of a commonable house .|j
might have two Cows, and one Sheep on the Common and another Sheep for j
every two Acres of land. At Swavesey to the half yard land of 15 Acres the
allowance was 2 Cows in Cow Fen, 2 Cows in Middle Fen and 10 Sheep over
Fields and Fens. Very elaborate rules were made at Great SLelford and Guilden
Morden as to thte parts of the Common and the time at which each owner may
feed his beasts.
CAMBS. MATERIALS FOR THE HISTORY OF AGRICULTURE 51
- waste in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries^ That
" agricultural development would have been more satisfactory
* to-day if it had taken account of mediaeval co-operation as well
^ as of individual management is true enough, but the eighteenth
century economists had ample reason for the opinion that
neglected commons were a national waste. The farmer who
1 hoped to thrive was anxious to secure pasture in severalty
where he could attend to his stock properly, and proportion it
to his land 'I
There is a bundle of papers in the University Library which
concern the enclosure of about forty parishes, and they serve to
show how extraordinarily difficult it was to value and to give
an equivalent for these common rights. As men had thriven
?nd enlarged their arable holdings they had obtained additional
common rights or portions of common rights, and there must
have been great difficulty in proving to how much each in-
dividual was entitled. Most unfortunate of all were the small
holders, who had no portions in the arable fields and who
certainly could not prove their legal title, if indeed the cow's
grass on the common^ w^as not a privilege that had been care-
lessly allow^ed them, and not a matter of right at all. That
this laxity was felt to be a boon to the poor in many places is
3lear enough: at Chatteris^ it helped to solve the housing
problem, though even in this matter it had its seamy sidel
Much has been said of the moral wrong inflicted on this class,
jwt it is satisfactory to find that so far as evidence goes, there
tvas more attention to tiie requirement of the poor m Cambridge-
shire ^ it is possible that because enclosure came so late, it was
ess ruthless than in earlier days. It is also to be remembered
;hat in Cambridgeshire the issue was simplified, and that the
•esults of enclosure are not confused with the effect of tlie in-
lustrial revolution in impoverishing rural districts. Cambridge,
hough it lies so near to Norfolk and Suffolk, had never been a
iH 1 Moles were a great evil on the Pasture at Madingley. Goocb, op. cit., 187.
2 Gooch, op. cit., 189.
■^B ^ Gooch, op. cit., 69, 71 and especially 29H.
^ Gooch, op. cit., 293. •"' Report on Shropshire, 24.
H ^ Compare Leverington, Vancouver, op. cit., 169, March. Gooch, op. cit., (56.
I 4-2
52
ARCHDEACON CUNNTNGHAM
manufacturing county , Fowlmere^ on the borders of Hertford-
shire seems to have stood alone in having a considerable
spinning industry. |
There are doubtless innumerable documents in co\\ege4
muniment rooms which give figures of markets and prices, and';
other detailed information about landed property in this county^;
the excellent papers by the Master of St John's in the Eagle '
show how much may be draw^n from this source ; and eccle- ,
siastical records would also furnish much; but of these and ofi'
private collections I have not attempted to speak. I have only
called attention to some of the sources which are generally/
available, and which enable us to understand the course of ji
affairs in Cambridgeshire. In no other 'district of England *
have we such full information regarding the state of the country ;
before enclosure, or such careful examination of the effects of \
this change. Cambridge is one of the seven counties for which >
the Hundred Rolls survive in such a detailed form that we\
get considerable and authoritative information about the con-i
ditions of tillage^. It is our good fortune that such details in:
regard to one parish should have been preserved as to show us
that we are justified in arguing from the recent to the distant!
past. If the inquiry were taken up by a practical man who ^
had some familiarity with the different breeds of stock, and
knew the various soils from having worked them, who knew theil'
limits within which such methods as "paring and burning^" on
f
1 Vancouver, 71. Gooch notices lime burning at Reach and the making of ;
Pottery at Ely, op. cit., 292. As the diffusion of industries through the countrji '
from industrial centres (Cambridge was never one) took place in the sixteenth
and seventeenth Centuries, Cambridge approximates more closely to the '■
mediseval.
2 Dr Stevens has called my attention to the interesting details preserved ai •
Downing College in a survey of the college estates at Croydon, East Hatlej!
and Tadlow in 1917. ;
The Population of the high land parishes in 1274 and in 1801 appears tcj
have been similar. The numerous encroachments on the Highway which ar(i
reported at Teversham {Hundred Rolls, ii, 431), seem to suggest that the lancf
was cropped to its fullest capacity. ;
* This traditional practice was generally reprobated as mischievous, but th< |'
Duke of Bedford seems to have proved by experiment at Thorney that there wer(|
circumstances in which it was well to have recourse to it. Gooch, op. cit.. 214
CAMBS. MATERIALS FOR THE HISTORY OF AGRICULTURE 53
fallowing^ were applicable, we might hope to gather very full
knowledge of thi's one county, and through our knowledge of
one county we may see something more clearly of mediaeval
conditions in England generall}^
Arretine Fragments in Cambridgeshire
(Barrington and Foxton).
By F. J. Haverfield, LL.D., Litt.D., F.B.A., F.S.A.,
Professor of Ancient History in the University of Oxford.
Conlmunicated February 7, 1916.
I was lately turning over the always interesting pages of
the Cambridge Antiquarian Society's publications, a great
cemetery of buried and too often forgotten treasures, when I came
upon a note communicated in 1903 by Mr J. W. E. Conybeare
relating to Barrington 2. In the course of this account he re-
cords that coprolite diggers had at various times turned up at
Barrington numerous Roman ashpits, he has since told me
over forty, which contained Roman objects. Pottery was the
most abundant of these objects ; in general, the pieces " were of
a coarse and common character (mostly Caister ware), with a
little Samian, one piece bearing the inscription Gistio Titi, not
otherwise known, and a solitary bit of highly and most remark-
ably glazed ware ; ' there were also coins from all periods of the
Roman occupation. It at once occurred to me that Gistio Titi
might perhaps be the stamp of the Arretine potter, Ghrestio
I Titv\ slightly misread, and that the piece might dat(^ I'rom
before the Roman Conquest of Britain under Claudius, Such
'things are rare in this country. I therefore consulted Prof.
! ^ Fallowing might be overdone. Report Wei^t Riding of Yorkshin', 64.
' Gooch, op. cit., 97.
- X. 436. Barriugtou is 6—7 miles soutli-west of Cambridge, 5.^ miles
, north of the Hertfordshire bordev, on the left bank of the Cam.
j Corpus Inscriptionam Latinaram, xii. 6700. 731; xiii. lOOOi). 27S ; xv.
!5671.
54
PROFESSOR HAVERFIELD
Ridgeway how I could get to see the Barrington fragment ; he
bade ine write direct to Mr Conybeare, and Mr Conybeare
most kindly sent it me at once, together with four other frag-
ments of the same vessel found with it. I saw that my guess
was correct ; hence the following note.
The stamped and other fragments of the cup were, Mr
Conybeare writes, the only " Samian " found at Barrington
during the 27 years (1871-98) that he lived there. From these
fragments it is possible to learn the shape and size of the vessel
(fig. 1) — a small cup, with a flat bottom and a peculiar over-
r
5
Fig. 1. Arretine cup from Barrington.
hanging rim, which closely resembles a type of Arretine cup
found at Haltern and elsewhere, numbered "7 " by Dr S. Loschke
in his list of the Haltern ceramic \ Our specimen was probably
a trifle shallower than the norm, being 1|| inches deep. In the
inside, in the middle of the flat bottom, is the stamp, a small
oblong label 1*2 cm. long and 0 5 cm. high, en-
closed by a circle 3'6 cm. in diameter. The
lettering, as often on xlrretine stamps, is arranged
in two lines, that is, Chrestio Titi, with a small
palm-branch after the final I (fig. 2). The second
and third letters of the first line are slightly rubbed, but I do
not doubt that they originally were Hii or ER, that is, hr tied
together. The e is omitted or included in the ligature of hr.
The meaning is: ''Chrestio, slave of Titius, made this,'' as on
other similar stamps^.
Several such stamps are know^n. The pottery works at
^ Mitteilungen Alt ertums' Comm. fur Westfalen, v. (1909), p. 146, plates
X. 6 and 7, xvi. 2 and 8.
2 C. I. L. xiii. 10009. 277, 278 ; chksi and cmsiM, each for Chresimi.
Fig. 2.
ARRETINE FRAGMENTS IN CAMBRIDGESHIRE
55
Arezzo, or rather their sites, have yielded two, one being (like
this) in two lines, the other circular. Their place of finding
(a) OmE I .S^ {b) Q CRESTI m
lOTi i ti TITT {Chrestio in circle round Titi)
suggests that they belong to the workshop of one L. Titius, a
potter otherwise attested at Arezzo. A third piece (c) has been
found at Rome, with a similar stamp ; a fourth [d) at Saintes
in France, a little north of the Gironde estuary, and a fifth (e),
of dubious reading, at New Carthage in Spain\
(c) cmEST {d) cmsT-io (e) ciresti
L TiTi TITI^ O ATITI (reading doubtful)
The Titii seem to have been active during many years at
Arezzo ; we can trace two of the name, A. Titius and L. Titius,
* whose wares, bearing the names of various slaves as well as their
own, recur fairly freely also in western provinces of the Empire,
and besides, three others of lesser importance ; once or twice,
the firm-name occurs, Titioram, and once (as it seems) ^ we have
the joint stamp of Lucius and another Titius in the inscription
Cinnamus C. L. Titi{oriim) s(ervus), " Cinnamus, slave of C. and
L. Titius." It has been conjectured that Aulus Titius was the
eldest of the Titii, that Lucius was his junior — e.g. his son — and
the others still more junior. And, indeed, the fact that these
last sometimes bear cognomina, while Aulus. and Lucius never
do, points in this direction. For dating, however, our best clues
come from finds like those at Haltern, which we know to belong
,to the lifetime of Augustus and to end at a.d. 10, or those of
fMont Beuvray, which end even a little earlier, or those of the
•Sels brickworks at Neuss which range from Augustan days to
jabout A.D. 40, or those of Wiesbaden and Hofheim, which begin
iabout A.D. 40. Now the finds at Wiesbaden and Hofheim con-
'tain practically no Arretine ; that is, the export of the Italian
1 See, for the Arezzo stamps, C. I. L. xi. 6700. 731 ; for the Roman example,
C. I. L. XV. 5671 ; for the Saintes specimen, C. I. L. xiii. 1000!). 27S, and for
'^he piece from New Carthage, C. I. L. ii. 6257. 60. This hist is, however,
^f doubtful reading (Bonner Jc^irbucher, cii. 117, note 6).
Mitt. Comm. fur Westfalen, v. 183 foil.; C. L. L. xiii. 10009. 262 a, h.
56
PROFESSOR HAVERFIELD
wares to north-western Europe ceased before A.D. 40 ; probably
the growing competition of the Gbiulish wares had ousted them ,
from the markets of Gaul and the Rhine and {a fortiori) from
any markets in Britain. On the other hand, Titius appears <
often at Haltern ^ and also at Mont Beuvray ; he must then have
been at work before B.C. 12, the approximate date for the end of
the latter site, and he must have been active in the next twenty |
years. But how long he went on pot-making, our evidence
does not seem to me to declare ; obviously he and his Arretine |
fellows had definitely ceased to affect Gaul before the Claudian |
invasion of Britain in a.d. 43, and it would be reasonable to 1
assign him to the beginning of the Christian era. The Barring- |
ton fragment may then be dated about B.C. 10 — A.D. 10, or |
0— A.D. 15. I
What is the cup doing in Britain ? One German scholar I
lately suggested in print that fragments such as this (he knew I
naturally nothing of this particular piece) were brought by |
private persons from Italy to the island after it was invaded |
in A.D. 43^. That theory, however, will not account for the |
rather large quantity of Arretine found in this island — large, |
at all events, in comparison with what used to be thoughts |
Nor can it be called very likely that an Italian would hoard an |
unadorned cup made by one of the Titii, so that he or his |
descendants should convey it 30 or 40 years later to our remote |
province. Another foreign scholar, who has made special study 1'
of Arretine, offered me four years ago the conjecture that the }
Arretine pieces found in Britain came from a Roman ship of j
troops of Germanicus, which was (as Tacitus records) wrecked''
on the British east coast about A.D. 16. I do not see why a
chance ship in a military expedition should be laden with |
Samian pots and saucers. Nor will the theory explain various
1 3IiU. Comm.fiir Westfalen, loc. cit.
2 Ritterling, Hofheim (ed. 2, 1913), p. 201, note. Most of the "migrations"
of pottery in the Empire seem to be connected with the march of armies, which
generally took supplies of Samian with them.
2 See my Romanisation of Roman Britain (ed. 3), p. 74, and Oxe, Arch. |
Anzeiger, vol. xxix. page 61 foil. ^
4 Tacitus, Ann. id. 24. 5, does not actually say that there was a wreck on the ^
British coast, but his language implies it. '
ARRETINE FRAGMENTS IN CAMBRIDGESHIRE
57
earlier pieces at Silchester^ I would rather suppose that the
pre-Claiidian potsherds, alike at Silchester and Barrington,
came over in the way of trade. After Caesar's conquest of
northern Gaul, Britain came into fairly close touch with Rome
and Roman civilisation, and it seems certain that between
55 B.C. and 43 a.d. Rome influenced British things a great
deal. But it would take me too far afield to discuss this point
here in detail.
I will merely adduce two other examples of early Roman
potsherds from the Barrington district. In 1852 there was
Eig. 3, Arretine Cup found at Foxton in 1852; restored. Cup ^ real size:
stamps real size. (From Prof. C. C. Babingtou's Ancient Cambridffeshire,
2nd Edition, C.A.S. 8vo. Publ. No. xx. 18S3.)
found, along with other objects noted further below, ni the parish
of Foxton, a mile east of Barrington, across the River Cam, a
finely decorated Arretine cup of the " chalice " type (fig. 8), dating
^ Lately published by Oxe, Archaeolixji.scher Anzeiyi-r, 1914, \\ 70 n., from
copies sent him by me.
5S
PROFESSOR HAVERFIELD
from much the same (Augustan) age as the stamped Barrington
fragment. This was brought before the Cambridge Antiquarian
Society when it was found ^; but its precise place in Roman
ceramic development was then, of course, as yet unknown to
anyone, either in England or abroad. More recently, in 1907,
it was recalled to the Society by Mr H. B. Walters^ and I need
not now discuss it. But it has obvious relevance to the Titian
ware at Barrington.
So has also another piece found with it at Foxton in 1852.
The find is stated to have consisted of the decorated cup
mentioned in the last paragraph, an amphora, a bowl of soft
white paste with a pink Samian-looking varnish, and three
grey or blackish cups and saucers. Of these latter one bore a
stamp, in two lines in Arretine fashion ;
TORNO
VOCAR
This, in this form, is an otherwise unknown stamp of the
Belgic potters of Northern Gaul who copied the simpler shapes
of Arretine in a native technique during a period which began
with Augustus and lasted till Claudius or Nero ; apparently
these potters continued the fashions which they had learnt
from the Arretine models even after the import of Arretine
into north-west Europe had generally ceased. Among the
stamps of these potters, never yet properly collected, that
found at Foxton is not the least common in slightly differing
varieties ; besides Torno, we meet Tornos and even (though,
probably, only through fault of stamping) I or no and lornos,
and besides Vocar we meet Vocara, Vocaixi. f and Vocari ; also
Torno and Vocar are used separately. No doubt we may group
these varieties together as proceeding from one potter or potter_y.
Their dating is, unfortunately, obscure ; the circumstances under
which they came to light are indecisive or ill-reported. But I
note that they are attested from the early, and in the main,
1 Camb. Antiq, Soc. Proc. i. 44.
2 Camb. Antiq. Soc. Proceedings, No. xlviii. vol. xii. 107-113, with plates iv,
V. Mr H. B. Walters inclined (p. Ill) to date the JFoxton chalice to the Flavian
age (a.d. 70 — 96), but this seems much too late.
ARRETINE FRAGMENTS IN CAMBRIDGESHIRE
59
Augustan cemetery on the Martinsberg at Andernach, and
they appear to have turned up along with Augustan coins in
another corner of iVndernach^ The Foxton example may,
therefore, also be Augustan ; it may belong to the same date
and trade as the Foxton chalice. In any case, it cannot be
later than about a.d. 50. We may conclude that there was
before the Claudian conquest, on the banks of the Cam, half-a-
dozen miles above Cambridge, a Celtic population prosperous
enough to import and educated enough to use some of the
finer products of continental civilisation. Shall we call it a
fore-runner of modern Cambridge ?
Some Roman and Saxon Antiqcjities found
NEAR Kettering.
By F. R. G. HiEF, B.A., Sidney Sussex College.
Read at the Meeting on February 7, 1916.
Northamptonshire certainly cannot be counted amongst the
least of counties that have contributed to the collection of Roman
and Saxon remains of this country. In fact it has produced
some of the most valuable specimens illustrating the nature of
the inhabitants of the countr}^ during these early periods.
Compared with the remains of the Roman and Anglo-Saxon
periods the relics of the Stone and Bronze Ages are scarce.
This, how^ever, need not be wondered at if the surmise is correct,
that in the early times what is now known as Northamptonshire
.was to a great extent covered with forest and woodland.
But in the Roman and Anglo-Saxon periods the area seems
to have been quite thickly populated comparatively speaking.
Roman Northants was a district closely resembling the larger
part of the southern non-military Britain, both in abundance
and the character of its remains. We have one considerable
town near Castor in the N.E. of the county, three smaller ones
on the banks of the Nene, and numerous villas and rural
dwellings. There were tv/o good roads and some industries.
^ Bonner Jahrbucher^ Ixxvii. 208, xcvi. 96, cvii. 27.
60
F. R. a. HIEF
Ironstone seems to have been quarried, and certainly extensive
niaiuifactures of earthenware existed at Castor. The Castor
potteries preserve in Roman days some faint traditions of the
old native Celtic Art.
In short the antiquities of this county present fully and
freely the features which characterise the ordinary settled life
of Roman Britain, and they add one feature which is less usual,
the survival of Celtic traditions in art.
During Anglo-Saxon times the territory was still largely
covered with forest, which formed a natural defence ; and judging
from the remains and interments, the southern portion of the
county was the more densely populated. It is very interesting
to trace the advance of the Teutonic nations, and later the
introduction of Christianity, by the methods of burial.
From the relics found in the county the southern part seems
to have been the more prosperous, as most of the gold and
jewelled ornaments have been found south of a line drawn
from Clipston through Desborough to Thrapston (i.e. about
midway through the county).
Weapons are not common, so that it may be concluded that
the county was in a more or less peaceful condition. This may
be due to the protection offered by the woods, and the absence
of broad rivers in the southern part of the county.
The collection now exhibited was found in the course of
excavations made from 1912 — 1913, for obtaining ironstone
on the north side of Roth well Wood. The site is on the south
bank of the Ise, a tributary to the Nene, not far above the
outcrop of the Lias. The valley is quite steep, and the position
of the interment commands a good view of the surrounding
country.
Among the numerous sites in the county where settlements
existed in Anglo-Saxon times, there is a remarkable uniformity
as regards physical conditions. About two- thirds are at the
junction of the Northamptonshire Sand with the Upper Lias
Clay. This is natural, as such positions made on the sand
in the immediate vicinity of a clay formation would have a
good water supply, also a good amount of timber for fuel, and
forest pasture for the herds of swine.
ROMAN AND SAXON ANTIQUITIES FOUND NEAR KETTERING 61
The ironstone workings started about five years ago, and
worked into the hill in a southerly direction. The first
indications found of a settlement were four wells made of
worked stone situated in a line due north and south. No
other information could be obtained, but I imagine that they
were disturbed as little as possible.
A constant outlook was kept, but nothing turned up until
the pit had reached about 400 yards from the wood, when the
two small urns were found. After that our work was con-
tinually being rewarded b}^ finds.
In the description of the urns I think it will be best to take
them in order of age, so far as can be judged from thei^r form.
The flanged vessel in rough pottery, with seven rows of
indents occurring all round, was found 150 yards north of the
north side of the wood, at a depth of about 2 feet. It stands
about 4 inches in height on a distinct flat base, the diameter of
which is 2^ inches. The outside diameter is 5^ inches con-
stricted to 4 J inside measurement, with a flat rim sloping into
the vessel. The ware is burnt reddish yellow equally on the
inside and the outside. A thick wing or flange projects about
f inch from a base f inch thick, ^ inch in length, placed vertically
within ^ inch of the rim. A portion of the side of the vessel
has been broken away, but if there had been another flange
here, it would not have been symmetrical. The vessel is hand
made, and is a type generally recognised as British.
About 250 yards further west the two small vessels were
found. They belong to a different age. The small open-
mouthed vessel in dark grey ware is inches in height, the
greatest diameter of the body of the vessel, and the diameter at
the exterior of the curved back rim being 3J inches. It stands
on a small base which shows obscurely the marks of the wire
by which it was cut off. Two impressed lines round the body
near the spring of the neck furnish the only ornament. This
seems to be of Roman type, but as such are frequently found
in Saxon cemeteries, one cannot feel sure of the age.
The other small vessel is in light-coloured ware, and only
1^ inches in height by If inches in diameter. This may be
a Roman unguentarium.
62
F. R. G. HIEF
The rest of the objects in earthenware and metal seem to
indicate a Saxon cemetery in which both cremation and in-
humation were practised, and they probably represent a long
period. A number of skeletons were found, but detailed in-
formation was not taken when they were unearthed.
The urns were found at a depth of about 2 feet, and from
250 to 300 yards N.N.W. of the north corner of the wood.
Four of the urns were highly ornamented with the well-known
conventional lines and stamps in the form of stars and port-
cullis-like impressions. The fifth urn found with the decorated
ones is of a similar shape, but is unornamented, and has a most
peculiar base.
Five more urns, found a little nearer the wood, are roughly
made without any ornamentation ; and three found still nearer
the wood, that is more to the south, are ruder forms like basins
without any attempt at a rim.
These last eight are almost round at the base, being very
slightly flattened as if by the accident of having been put to
stand on a flat surface while still soft. The more thick and
coarse ones are made of clay full of calcined chips of flint, and all
the unornamented specimens have flakes of mica disseminated.
The only one that contained bones was the largest ; rim
*H inches, greatest diameter 9 inches, height 5^ inches. Beside
it lay a fine socketed spear 2 inches broad, and lOi inches in
length (i.e. what remains of it, for it is much reduced by
corrosion). The relative position of urn and spear is very
peculiar, but a similar arrangement occurred at Peterborough
with a knife instead of a spear head.
In the two larger ornamented urns, there were the two
beautiful strings of beads, seen in the centre of the illustration
— the larger string in the larger urn, and the smaller string in
the smaller. They consist of glass, pottery paste, amber and
jet, and are of very various sizes, form and colour.
It is highly probable that nearly all the urns were used for
sepulchral purposes; most certainly the highly ornamented
ones, as these coincide almost exactly with some found in Rut-
land not so very far away, which have been definitely proved as
being used as cinerary urns.
ROMAN AND SAXON ANTIQUITIES FOUND NEAR KETTERING 63
Near to the urns were found six bronze cruciform and other
tibidae. two brooches, two finger rings, a pin now bent back, and
one hirge plain thick bronze ring 2^ inches in diameter, and
I of an inch thick shown on the card in the illustration.
The circular saucer-shaped brooch that is broken, has had
an inner portion that was probably of gold. This belongs to a
West Saxon type that predominates in the South Midlands.
The long brooch is common in the Scandinavian countries. In
the specimen shown, one of the three limits of the head pre-
sents a knob attached to the edge of an oblong plate of the
Scandinavian type. The side knobs served as terminals of the
spiral coil of the spring in the earlier types, but in the latter
types they simply became ornaments. The method of attach-
ment of the knobs (i.e. by a slot, in the knob, into which the
plate is clamped) is very typical of brooches found in Leicester-
shire, and north-east of that county.
The tendency in England was to flatten the knobs and the
bow, and to broaden the extremities. For the plain surface of
the bronze was substituted gilding and engraving, and silver
3lates or discs attached to the terminals and salient points.
Thus the broad square-headed brooch points to a late period
and is characteristic of Anglian influence.
The decorations on the brooches are ver}^ different, one the
9road arrow head, and the other a circular device. The former
is again typical of later ornaments. The clasp is decorated
'with a beautiful pattern which is early Saxon, for in the later
Saxon varieties, we find a pattern derived from the disjointed
limbs of the quadruped which figures largely on decorated
monuments of Saxon Age. A very similar one was found at
Sleaford (Lincolnshire) fastened with broad leather straps round
the arm of a female.
Only two coins were found in the area. Both of them are
Roman, but the superscription is almost illegible.
The other specimens were found on the opposite side of the
river, about 800 yards west of the church. They consist of a
pquare needle that has been bent, and four bodies made of
iDaked clay with large flints. Similar objects to these have been
jbund at LuflPenham in Rutland, and also at Aylesbury, and
64
F. R. G. HIEF
have been described as spindle whorls. This may be so, but they
are so heavy that it seems somewhat unlikely.
At the same place were found a bronze mirror and cinerary
urns, said to be of Celtic age. These are now in the British
Museum.
Some Roman coins were found near to this site (see History
of Deshorough, by J. R. Moore, Esq.).
Before drawing conclusions from the specimens, it will be
necessary to consider roughly some of the excavations made in
other parts ^of the county. At Desborough, on the other side
of the valley, a most important discovery was made in 1876.
About 300 yards north of the church, there were many bodies
with no coffins, simply laid in pits. The bodies were lying in
an east to west position, but in all the pits appeared traces of I
fire. Near to the head of one skeleton was a gold necklace with j
jewels. A cross on the necklace seems to indicate that its j
owner had adopted the Christian faith. This is also supported j
by the direction of the bodies. At Kettering and Burton I
Seagrave, south of our site, many Celtic urns have been found, |
and all point to cremation being universally the custom in |
that area. At Marston, in the south-west of the county, 37 f
graves were found, which were characterised by burials of the 11
entire body, but in no definite direction. j|
The nature of the metal ware found here is extremely similar »
to that found near Rothwell. '
The view taken by Charles Roach Smith was, that in cases
where cremated remains and skeletons were found in the same |i'
cemetery, the urns belong to prior interments, which were
disturbed when the graves were dug, the urns being afterwards ■
carefully replaced. Wherever found, these mortuary urns must
be ascribed to the earliest Teutonic tribes that settled in i to
Britain, for many of the urns resemble Roman ones in form,
and may in many cases be of Roman fabric. i
Evidence from various excavations in the county allows us to ||i
fix a general rule, that instances of cremation are met with north tIp
of Watling Street and the Tore Valley, while extended burials f
of pagans are characteristic of the southern half of the county, f i
Now in the area under consideration, we find that both
ROMAN AND SAXON ANTIQUITIES FOUND NEAR KETTERING 65
methods of interment were in vogue, either together or succes-
sivel}^ ; and as urns containing burnt bones are mainly confined
to iVno'lian districts, and skeletons to Saxon and Jutish ceme-
teries, we may say that a tribe with Anglian affinities barely
penetrated into the uplands between Rugby and Naseby before
the spreading of Christianity.
In the vast acreage of the Fenland there lived a tribe men-
^ tioned by Bede, known as the Gyrwas. This tribe probably
attempted to advance into Northamptonshire and, avoiding Rock-
ingham Forest, came up the Nene and its tributaries. This
seems to be supported by the fact that Anglo-Saxon sites in
N^orthamptonshire, where urn burial has been traced, are all
similarly situated on the banks of that river, and it is found that
settlers east of Northampton seem to have practised cremation
exclusively, till the introduction of Christian burial, whilst the
■outh-west portion was more under western influence, and is
-i characterised by burials of the entire body.
3 Thus with a view of the information gathered from the
excavations* made in this neighbourhood, we may conclude that
he district was inhabited before the Roman invasion, but only
;,; carcely populated. Yet what population there was, seems to
■y ave been prosperous, if we may judge by the beautiful mirror
hat was found on the side of the river opposite to where these
_,r irns were found.
During the Roman period the district seems to have been
j^vji ery peaceable and not greatly affected by the Roman influence,
jr, 3 Roman remains are scarce in the centre. This is only
.Ti atural, as most of the Roman population was at Castor in
• - le north, and in the district around Daventry and Northamp-
. »n in the south. Those are the districts where the two main
-ads cut across the county, hence the natives in the centre
ear Kettering would not come much into contact with the
omans. It is also probable that during this period a greater
iTt of the population would withdraw from the central wooded
.rt of the county, and settle near to the large towns.
When the Romans left, it seems that the towns began to
icline, and the natives returned to the centre of the county,
lis was followed by an invasion by the Teutons, who brought
C. A. S. Comm. Vol. XX. 5
66 F. R. G. HIEF
with them new customs and new ideas. Their pottery wa
inferior to that of the Romans, and we get a return to hano
made vessels.
Now it is obvious that the same people did not make thli
highly decorated ware, and this other crude ware, and it seem
likely that they represent the work of two totally difPerenii
tribes. As regards the metal ware, we see a brooch typical c
the Leicestershire type, one of the South Midland type (i.e. c
West Saxon influence), and one pointing to Anglian influenc<'
Thus it appears that two or three tribes inhabited the districi
successively, and if some light could be thrown on the district
from which the clay came, out of which urns were made, i
might be possible to trace from whence the invaders came.
As was noted before, the clay of the crude urns is ver
different from that of the highly decorated ones, but all contai |
mica flakes which do not occur in the Lias of the neighbourhooc !
It is probable that the Gyrwas were the tribe that penetratei |
most deeply into the county, as they had only to come up th |
Nene and the Ouse, but even these did not get much furthej
than the Rothwell district, before the introduction of Christi •
anity (i.e. about 700 A.D.). Which type of urn they brought i^
is difficult to say, but as they practised cremation exclusiveljj
it is natural that their urns would be of a highly decorate(|
type. Hence this would put the decorated urns to the Angles;
but as it has been pointed out, the district is one situated on th i
border line of the areas invaded by the Jutes, Saxons, an(:
Angles respectively, and therefore any such statement is exjji
tremely doubtful. Much more material is needed to form a satisfy
factory theory, and much valuable evidence has been lost by oii 'i
not having information as regards the skeletons and other object;^
that were passed over by the workmen. Still there is a grea
deal that remains, and a systematic excavation should bring ti
light all the details required to form an exact history and deU
scription of the inhabitants of the district in these early periods s!a
In conclusion I should like to offer my sincere thanks t(jli:
Professor Hughes for his valuable help, and I only hope tha \
some day the excavations may be carried on in the same placot
under more systematic methods. a.
ENGLISH GOTHIC FOLIAGE SCULPTUEE
67
English Gothic Foliage Sculpture.
By Samuel Gardner.
Abstract of a paper read February 21, 1916.
A desire for simplification and logical consistency has led
f^some American writers to regard Gothic Architecture as the
monopoly of those French builders who raised the soaring
vaults of the magnificent cathedrals of Picardy and the He de
France. The identification of Gothic Art and Architecture
with the wonderful feat of equipoised thrusts exhibited in these
cathedrals seems to be a mistaking of one form of manifesta-
1 bion for the life and force which animated the whole craft.
Surely the sculpture which adorned every feature of our
English Gothic is not a mere accessory but is just as true and
il J'undamental an expression of the spirit of Gothic art as the
ofty French vaults with their flying buttresses. The fact is
".hat for some four hundred years all the great buildings in
VVestern Europe possessed something in common which we call
Tothic style. There was wonderful variety in different periods
nd localities, but what was common was not merely mechanical
kill, but an inspiration, an inherited tradition and manner of
iandicraft, difficult to describe, but easy to recognise, which
uided and controlled the minds and fingers of the craftsmen —
1 other words, a living art. Being a living art it was pro-
j,it ressive. It had its youth, its maturity and its decay. It was
so amenable to national and local influences dependent upon
le character of the workmen and the stone and climate of the
strict. But, in spite of all these variations, there was a
Ttain continuity observable right through the period until,
hen its force was spent, there came, with the revival of
issical learning, a reaction in fevour of pagan art which
lally overwhelmed it.
It is remarkable that, seeing how close was the connexion
tween England and France, in the days of our Plantagenet
gs, just when Gothic art on both sides of the channel was in
68 SAMUEL GARDNER
the full Aagour of its youthful exuberance the development was
so different. In no feature was this difference more marked i
than in the treatment of foliage sculpture. In northern France
there was very little in the way of intermediate convention
between the Romanesque Corinthian type of foliage and a
naturalistic representation of leaves and flowers, at first coarse
but becoming more and more delicate and refined until the
fourteenth century. The chief feature of the intermediate
convention consisted in the substitution of a peculiar type of i
Gothic crocket for the Corinthian acanthus or the various degra-
dations of acanthus that had been in use ever since Roman
times.
In England the development was quite different. At the
time of the Conquest, the Normans used very little sculpture,
and that little of a very barbarous and childish character
like that on the capitals in Durham Castle. It is likely that >
the impetus to sculptured ornament in this country came '
chiefly from the Anglo-Saxon workmen whom they allowed to
decorate their buildings. The cushion capitals, scalloped
capitals, zig-zag and billet ornaments are all probably Saxon in \\
origin. The Anglo-Saxons were originally Vikings like their !
conquerors, but had been settled here for generations and had ;
acquired along with Christian civilisation some of the arts i
introduced from Rome and Byzantium. They excelled especially i
in illuminated manuscripts and needlework, and there had been !
schools of painting and sculpture in two or three places.
Progress, however, had been retarded by Danish inroads and u
civil strife. With the law and order and fresh energy intro- ^
duced along with the new building on a larger scale the natural i;
aptitude of the Anglo-Saxons found scope, for exercise, and their
influence soon made itself felt.
During the hundred years between the Conquest and the
destruction of the choir of Canterbury by fire, the French '
Normans had greatly improved in the art of carving sculptured m
capitals of the Corinthian type. There are excellent specimens li
at St Remi, Rheims. A French master-mason was employed '
to rebuild at Canterbury, and he adhered to this form of capital. =
Then ensued a contest between this type and others which had >
i
Camb. Ant. Soc. Vol. XX
Plate VIII, p. 69
Fig. 2. Bledlow Church. E. E. Capital.
ENGLISH GOTHIC FOLIAGE SCULPTURE
69
been for some time feeling their way in this country. At
Broadwater may be seen two capitals side by side on the same
respond, the one French Corinthian, and the other a curious
adaptation from illuminated manuscript strands and foliage.
But neither of these was to hold the field. The rival that was
to supersede both was the trefoil, the typical simple form of
which is to be seen on a capital at King's Walden Church in
the St Albans district (Fig. 5, Plate IX). The trefoil is a bud-
form ready to open further and to expand and multiply its
parts. It is therefore suitable as a basis for the decoration of
curved or flat surfaces and to fill spaces of any shape (Fig. 7,
Plate XI). Apart from its obvious symbolism the trefoil had
inevitably found its way into art in all ages. The thunderbolt
of Zeus, the French lilies and the Prince of Wales' Feathers are
all varieties of it. It seems a likely form to be adopted direct
from Spi'ing buds, but the peculiar form of the English Gothic
trefoil associates it with sculpture on an Anglo-Saxon string-
course at Sompting in Sussex (Fig. 1, Plate VIII). Portions of
this string-course are now placed over a piscina. All the inter-
woven strands are triple and the trefoils are of two kinds :
(i) those with a solid stalk going as a midrib into the central
head, and (ii) those in which all
three lobes are of a concave loop- like
character. In the cloister of St J ohn
Lateran at Rome there is an ancient
well-head with rude sculpture upon
it very similar to this at Sompting
and therefore suggestive of the
source from which this kind of
sculpture was introduced into Eng-
land. A combination of stalks and
trefoils soon developed into what is
known as Early English Stiff-leaf
sculpture which, during the greater
part of the thirteenth century, was
the only form of foliage sculpture generally used in this country,
to which it was peculiar.
There were two leading varieties of it which wc> may call
10. Lincoln Cathedral.
70
SAMUEL GARDNER
the eastern or Lincoln type, and the western or Wells type.
The Lincoln type has the solid stalk and midrib (Fig. 10, p. 69)
and the Wells type has the loop. The Lincoln type is the com-
moner, and the division into eastern and western is only rough
and ready. There is no doubt considerable overlapping. At
Bledlow church (Bucks) which is on the main road from east
to west is a more interesting than beautiful capital (Fig. 2,
Plate VIII) on which trefoils of the two kinds are placed
alternately.
The rapid development of stiff-leaf foliage may be studied
in churches like that at Kimpton (St Albans district) where
Norman scalloped capitals and stiff leaf occur alternately
(Fig. 4, Plate IX). Probably the masons of the old and new
schools were working side by side. The carving here is of the
eastern or Lincoln type. If we follow this eastern type through
the period we shall find the solid stalk and midrib persistent
through all the varieties in the disposition of the foliage (Fig. 3,
Plate IX). It is difficult to describe, without more illustration
than is possible here, the ways in which the Early English
masons disposed and combined the trefoils — sometimes as over-
hanging crockets, sometimes in wavy wreaths, sometimes in
parallel sprays, but always in the eastern type showing the solid
stalk dying into the middle of the central lobe in a way that
suggests piercing. After the middle of the thirteenth century
there was a tendency to split the lobes and to undercut exces-
sively. In such examples as some of those in the Angel Choir
at Lincoln there is evidence of the self-conscious pride of the
mason in his skill (Fig. 11, p. 71). He was able to take a block
of stone of any size or shape, and just as Michael Angelo struck
away with his mallet and chisel to release the angel that he saw
imprisoned in the block, so the English mason struck away to
free the foliage that he saw curling in graceful curves within
the boundaries of the block. The style admitted of no further
development.
The progress of the Wells type was similar. Simple early
instances of the loop in place of the solid midrib are to be seen
at St Davids Cathedral and elsewhere, and the final stages in
which the splitting of the lobes has almost broken down the
Fig. 6. Southwell Minster. Capital of Wail-Arcade iii Chapter House.
ENGLISH GOTHIC FOLIAGE SCULPTURE
71
distiuetion between east and west, in some of the later capitals
at the west end of the nave at Wells. In these the stalks
rising from the necking with the wavy split-up crockets curling
over their tops suggest corbels or cornucopiae filled to over-
flowing. In these rising stalks there may be a reminiscence of
the Norman scallop.
The possibilities of the stiff-leaf convention having been
exhausted there was a return to nature. Perhaps the best
examples of the naturalistic style ol the closing years of the
thirteenth century are to be found in the chapter-house at
Fig. 11. Lincoln.
Southwell (Fig. 6, Plate X) and such monuments as the Ganti-
lupe shrine at Hereford (Fig. 9, Plate XII). This foliage is very
similar to that on the interior of the west front at Rheims,
which alas has suffered terribly from fire. For some ten or
twenty years the English and French examples were very much
alike. Some of the corbels at Exeter are beautiful specinuMis of
this naturalistic style, and it is RMuarkable that while in tlu^
springtime of the Early English period the ba,sis of the lohag(>
sculpture was a bud-form, in this its late sumnuM- the \vi\yvH are
open and fruit is common.
72
SAMUEL GARDNER
This naturalistic type did not last long, but was succeeded
in the early fourteenth century by a new convention — that of
the Decorated foliage (Fig. 12). This has certain characteristic
features. The edges are often serrated and raised into a series
of ripples (Fig. 8, Plate XI) while the centres of the leaves are
convexed into humps. The Percy shrine at Beverley is a good
example. As the Decorated style passed into Perpendicular the
sculpture became coarser and squarer, and there was less of it.
But later in the Tudor period we find at King's College Chapel,
Fig. 12. St Albans.
Cambridge, and other Royal foundations some attempts to revive
naturalism, which, however, were not destined to lead to any-
thing further, as there came what Ruskin calls the foul torrent
of the Renaissance which swept away the dregs that were left
of Gothic life and spirit.
[The illustrations to this paper are printed from blocks
kindly lent by the Author. They were made from his own
photographs, except the drawings which are from the Pro-
ceedings of the Harrow Arxhitectural Club.]
Camb. Ant. Soc. Vol. XX
Plate XI, p. 72
Fig. 8. Worcester Cathedral. Decorated C'a|)itals.
Camb. Ant. Soc. Vol. XX
Plate XII, p. 72
ANIMALS IN MEDIAEVAL SCULPTURE
73
Animals in Mediaeval Sculptuee.
By G. C. Druce, F.S.A.
Abstract of a Lecture delivered February 28, 1916.
j The number of carvings of animals, both in stone and wood,
1 still existing in our churches is very large. Many of them are
I of a curious character, and would be difficult to account for
j without reference to the sources from which they were derived.
! The evidence points to the carvers having worked chiefly from
' pictures and not from natural models, recomposing the subjects
according to their needs. Many of the creatures which they
depicted were either fabulous, or so rare that they were not
' likely to have seen them.
Of the many sources from which the carvers borrowed, an
important one was undoubtedly the illustrated bestiaries, which
were ver}' popular in the Middle Ages, especially in the twelfth
and thirteenth centuries. They contain many pictures of animals,
birds and reptiles. The texts describe their nature and habits,
and the religious or moral lessons founded upon them, the
latter being supported by numerous quotations from the Bible.
The descriptions and much of the symbolism were gathered
from the writings of earlier theologians and commentators,
such as Gregory, Isidore, and Rabanus, who in their turn had
borrowed largely from classical writers on zoology. That these
books were used by the carvers is clear from the many corre-
spondences which exist, and in this respect stress was laid on
the importance of the twelfth centur}- doorway at Alne in York-
shire (Plate XIII) which retains part of a series of sculptured
animals and birds, to which titles are applied which agree with
the titles of similar animals in the Latin bestiaries. The
carvings in common with the miniatures show many errors in
drawing and anatomy, and this, coupled with conventional treat-
ment, often renders identification difficult, if not impossible.
There are however cases in which some striking natural feature,
such as the camel's hump or the peacock's tail, enables this to be
74
G. C. DRUCE
done. As regards domestic animals, there is greater approxi-
mation to nature as we should expect.
Of the fabulous animals the Unicorn was the first dealt with.
It is found in two forms both in the bestiaries and in archi-
tecture, one being a large animal " with the body of a horse,"
passing under its Greek name of Monoceros according to the
description in Pliny and Solinus, and the other a small
animal with the title " Rinoceros vel Unicornis," said to be
" like a kid." It appears in the well-known Unicorn and
Virgin legend. In the MSS. thes6 creatures are variously drawn,
but in carving both usually approximate to a horse. There are
however exceptions, as upon a misericord in Ely Cathedral,
where the Unicorn of the legend resembles a calf and is cloven-
footed. Of Monoceros there are good instances in woodwork at
Westwell (Kent) and in Durham Castle Chapel, and of the
Unicorn of the legend at Strassburg (in stone), Boston, Chester
and elsewhere. The story of its capture by the agency of the
girl signified the Incarnation and the capture and death of our
Lord at the hands of the Jews.
The GrifHn is the most frequently met with of the bestiary
animals, as the Siren is of the " birds." It either stands alone,
or grasps a man or another animal in its claws, or is fighting
with a man or animal. The bestiary says it is hostile to horses
and tears men to pieces, episodes of which full advantage was
taken by both artists and carvers, but it was pointed out that
where its opponent is a knight in armour, the source may have
been Alexander's Romance, on account of the great fight with
the Griffins therein described, in which so many of Alexander's
men were slain. The Griffin is a type of the Devil. Examples
were illustrated from the font at Risby (Suffolk) and misericords
in Chester and Norwich Cathedrals (Plate XIV, fig. 1), with
corresponding scenes from the bestiaries (Plate XVI, fig. 1).
The Hippopotamus or river-horse was a difficult subject for
both artists and carvers. As they were not well acquainted
with its form they had to compose it as well as they could
from the description, which was taken from Pliny and Solinus.
Illustrations in bestiaries are few, but the miniatures in the
Westminster Bestiary and kindred MSS. show it as semi-horse
Camb. Ant. Soc. Vol. XX
Plate XIV, p. 74
Camb. Ant. Soc. Vol. XX
Plate XV, p. 75
ANIMALS IN MEDIAEVAL SCULPTURE
75
semi-dragon. It appears upon a misericord in St George's
Chapel with tour legs (Phite XVII, fig. 1), but otherwise has the
cloven feet, boar's tusks, mane and horse tail of the bestiary. It
is perhaps more naturally formed on a poppy head at Eynesbury.
No symbolism is attached to it in the bestiaries, but Alexander
Neckam makes an attempt to identify it with deceitful persons,
on account of its recorded habit of proceeding backwards into
the cornfields to feed.
One of the most attractive of the stories illustrated in
the bestiaries is that of the Tiger and Mirror, but the scene
is curiously scarce in churches, the only example at present
forthcoming being upon a misericord in Chester Cathedral.
The tigress is so fierce a creature that to obtain its cubs is
a most dangerous operation, and can only be successfully carried
out by a trick. The hunter waits until the tigress leaves her
den, then goes in and takes the cubs, and rides off as fast as he
can with them. He is pursued by the tigress, and is being
rapidly overtaken when he drops a mirror of glass, which causes
her to stop and gaze in it. Thinking that she has found her
cub, she proceeds to fondle it, but realizing that she has been
deceived, she resumes the pursuit, when the same manoeuvre is
repeated, and so the hunter gains a place of safety. There are
many fine miniatures of this scene in the bestiaries (Plate XV).
Sometimes the hunter is on foot and seems to be in no hurry
to depart, being apparently overcome by curiosity. The carving
at Chester (Plate XIV, fig. "Z) shows the hunter in mail on a
horse, carrying a cub and in the act of dropping a circular
mirror. For the sake of symmetry the tiger is duplicated, one of
them holding a mirror in its mouth. The symbolism is given in
a French MS. in the Arsenal Library, Paris. The tiger is uian,
the cub his soul, the hunter is the devil who throws the
temptations of the world in man's way and so steals away his
soul. The symbolism is omitted in the Latin bestiaries in-
spected by the lecturer, but it should be noted that Gregory in
his Moralia makes the tiger with its spots a type of hypocrites
"spotted with their vices." It is quite possible that some of
the beasts which occur singly in carving are tigers.
The Hyaena appears on the doorway at Alne, but. if it were
76
G. C. DRUCE
not for its title it could not be identified. It is biting some }j
object, probably a bone or limb of a corpse. A later and much I
finer example is to be seen on a misericord at Carlisle, where
the hyaena, with long ears and pronounced hog-mane, is biting
a corpse. The miniatures in the bestiaries usually show it, |
similarly hog-maned, dragging a corpse out of an ornamental !
tomb. A gruesome rendering of the subject appears in one of '
the MSS. of the British Museum (Plate XVI, %. 2). At Carlisle ,i
the tomb has been omitted. Suppression of detail in this way [
is common, for it was not p'ossible to include everything that ,
could be drawn with pen and ink. Among the items of informa- ■]
tion repeated in the bestiaries from classical sources is one that \
the hyena is male and female in alternate years. This is made
use of in the early twelfth century bestiary of Philip de Thaun to j
indicate " a double-minded man, who is covetous and luxurious, \
and who imitates the ways of a changeable woman when he \
should be firm " ; but in the Latin versions the hyena is a type !
of the Jews, who first served God and then gave themselves up ;
to luxury and idolatry. |
Camels occur in woodwork and sometimes approximate to \
the natural animal. They have either one or two humps. Good !
examples may be seen at Ufford (Suffolk), Swaffham Bulbeck j
and Boston. The last is so well drawn that it suggests a J
natural model, but it is accompanied by a quite impossible [
crocodile, which is clearly by the same hand, and so it was !
probable that the carver was working from a good picture, j
A very quaint camel may be seen on a misericord at Faversham. \
Camels are regularly illustrated and described in the Latin
bestiaries, besides frequently appearing in Old Testament scenes
in other MSS. Solinus was the main source of information, and
a curious mistake of his as to the number of humps on the
Arabian and Bactrian camels has come through to the bestiary.
Its well-known habits, its pad-like feet, and its capacity for !
travelling and carrying loads are all described, and upon the
last mentioned the symbolism is founded. As it kneels down j
to receive its load, it is a type of Christ, who humbled himself j,
to bear the sins of the world. j*
The Dromedary is also described and illustrated. Its
9
Camb. Ant. Soc. Vol. XX
Plate XVI, p. 76
1
tili.ini fjcimi jiifcnir.i fi'r^ir^vO-rtu-'
TviunTinninisrVninjiurfKiliit^H-r;-'
Urtrrr.'.r.i fcnim trOw.CinJhni'
ra-|?^olctn. -
f^Kifrsiia:iri}rqnfrrninnui;Tn!unnni,^i.ltnii|rs4^cr(w
H.^iiiisfrumiiii iiijv^iwcis tufoninmiimb:. omiu initrcnmis
Fig. 1. Griffin and Man. Westminster Chapter Library, MS. 22.
ANIMALS IN MEDIAEVAL SCULPTURE
77
principal use is for travelling, and one at least of the miniatures
shows the rider tied on with straps fore and aft, " so that his
Hnibs should not be dislocated by the pace." A dromedary
with rider appears on a late bench-end at Sefton (Lanes.).
Passing to the minor animals the first slide shown was that of
a goat rudely carved in an inverted position on the twelfth
century font at Thames Ditton. Rejecting the theory that
the stone had been reversed, the lecturer sought to identify it
with the Ibex, owing to the attitude of the latter in the
bestiaries, where it appears leaping down a precipice and
alighting on its horns. The symbolism is based on the strength
of its horns, and it is therefore a type of " learned men who by
the harmony of the two Testaments are wont to treat what-
ever opposition may be presented to them by a sound and
health}^ treatment, and who, propped on these two horns,
support the truths which they brought to light by the witness
of the Old Testament and the Gospel story." A fine carving
of an Ibex is to be seen on a stall arm at St Nicholas Church,
King's Lynn, conventionally treated.
The next subject dealt with was the Wild Boar, of which
there are excellent examples in the Chapterhouse at York, at
Clifton Hampden, and Castor, the two last being in the form of
hunting scenes. The incident of the hound being ripped up by
the boar is well rendered. The bestiaries show similar features.
The wild boar, being an untamed and savage beast, became
a type of the cruel princes of this world, Vespasian and Titus
being expressly mentioned on account of their persecution of
the Jews. The passage in Ps. Ixxx. 13 is quoted.
Of the numerous Fox scenes only one appears to be identified
with the bestiaries, namely, where it pretends to be dead in
order to catch birds. It appears thus on the doorway at Alne
and on misericords at Chester and Nantwich. The details agree
closely with the bestiaries. Many stories of the craftiness and
tricks of the fox are recounted in the latter, and it naturally
became a type of the Devil exercising his wiles to destroy
mankind.
The domestic subject of the Cat and Mous(> is found at York,
Wells, Winchester, Hodnet, and Beverley Minster. In nearly
78
G. C. DRUCE
all cases the cat is grasping the mouse ; but in the Chapter-
house at York the treatment is exceptional, for the cat and
mouse are set in foliage on a cap, the cat eyeing the mouse. The
figures on the thirteenth century font at Hodnet (Plate XVIII,
hg. 1) are rude but expressive, while those on a misericord at
Winchester Cathedral are naturally rendered. In the bestiaries
the cat is usually grasping the mouse. Its cleverness and acute
sight are mentioned, but there does not appear to be any
symbolic meaning attached to it.
Mice are separately described and illustrated, two or three
kinds being named. The old story about mice being generated
from damp earth is repeated, and Pliny's account of the
growth of their livers in the time of full-moon. Some in-
teresting attempts at popular etymology are also to be noted.
From its greed and habit of stealing the mouse is a type of
gluttons and thieves. The Dormouse on the other hand, from
its habit of sleeping in winter, symbolises the slothful man, who
refuses to labour, and the passage in Prov. xx. 4 is conveniently
introduced to strengthen the moral.
The Squirrel is a scarce creature in architecture, but some
excellent examples may be seen on misericords at Winchester
and Norwich Cathedrals (Plate XVII, fig. 2) and at Ulm. The
composition is practically constant, the squirrel being seated,
sometimes on a branch, cracking a nut. Miniatures are also
scarce, but occur in bestiaries at Westminster and the Univer-
sity Library, Cambridge, the latter being noteworthy for the
charming account given in the text of the squirrel's method
of crossing a river in a ship formed out of a leaf or mushroom
hollowed out and laden with nuts, its tail serving as a sail. No
symbolism is given.
The Hedgehog again is difficult to find in ecclesiastical
carving, although more common in heraldry. A pair of them
however appear on a misericord in New College Chapel, Oxford,
with grapes sticking on their spines, corresponding in this
respect closely with the miniatures in the bestiaries. The
story, which is based on Pliny's account, tells of the forethought
of the hedgehog, which climbs up the vines and knocks off the
bunches of grapes (Pliny and a few MSS. speak of apples), then
Camb. Ant. Soc. Vol. XX
Plate XVII, p. 78
i
!
Fig. 2. Hedgehog and Dogs. Childrey, Berks,
ANIMALS IN MEDIAEVAL SCULPTURE 79
rolls on them and carries them off on its spines to its young
ones. It is also careful to have two airholes to its home, and
is thus able, by stopping up one or other, to ward off incon-
venient draughts. In the Latin bestiaries the hedgehog with
its prickles is a type of the sinner full of the sharp thorns of his
vices, and is also a type of thieves ; but in the French version
of Philip de Thaun it symbolises the Devil, who steals away the
soul of man and deprives him of the joy of the life to come. In
Queen Mary's Psalter there is an additional scene ; the hedge-
hog is worried by dogs, but the artist has made no effort to
render it naturally, as it is not rolled into a ball. The same
irregularity appears on a tomb at Childrey (Berks.) (Plate XVIII,
Instances of carelessness on the part of the carvers in
reproducing natural features are numerous, and by wa}^ of
illustration a frog upon a misericord at Edlesborough (Bucks.)
was shown which has all four feet webbed. The only excuse
that can be suggested is that the carver copied an incorrect
picture. Frogs are fully described in the texts of the bestiaries,
but the illustrations are commonplace. The symbolism turns
upon their croaking. One version says they are the devils of
the Apocalypse, otherwise snarling heretics ; another says that
" by the name of frog are understood the songs of poets, who in
empty and inflated rhythm, reminding us of the singing voice
of frogs, have launched upon the world their stories of robbery."
In conclusion the lecturer said that from the religious
character of the bestiaries, the carvers were amply justified in
borrowing the subjects contained in them for church decoration,
but caution was necessary in estimating how far the symbolic
meaning was in their minds. In the twelfth and thirteenth
centuries it was doubtless a factor, but as time went on the
symbolic element was less regarded, and the decorative element
evidently became paramount. An interesting point too is how
far the carvers had opportunities for seeing rare animals.
Although visits to this country of such beasts as the elephant
recorded by Matthew Paris and the existence of miMiageries of
sorts may have counted for something, it is difiicult to believe
that the majority of carvers saw much of wild beasts. They
80
G. C. DRUCE
probably fouiu] it much more convenient to work from pictures
in books.
The lecturer considered that there was a large field of
operations open to investigators in the department of ecclesi-
astical wood carvings. Photographers were numerous, but there
was not enough study of the subjects themselves, many of which
required explanation.
The Society is indebted to the Royal Archaeological Institute
for the loan of the block of the Head of Doorway at Alne ; and
to the Kent Archaeological Society for the loan of the blocks
of the Tiger and Mirror. The illustration of the carving at
Childrey is from a photograph by the Rev. A. H. Collins ; the
remaining illustrations from photographs by Mr Druce.
i
The Hearth Taxes foe, the Town of Cambridge,
A.D. 1664 AND 1674.
Mr Edgar Powell, of Reading (B.A., Trinity College),
kindly presented to the Society a copy of the Records relating
to the Hearth Taxes for the town of Cambridge in the years 1664
and 1674, which he had transcribed from the Lay Subsidy Rolls
at the Public Record Office. At the same time Mr Powell sent
a paper in which he reviewed the subject.
The Society's funds do not at present admit of the printing
and publication of the Records : but with Mr Powell's per-
mission his paper was read at the meeting on the 8th of May, ^
1916; and his transcript of the Records is to be kept for *
reference in the Antiquarian Library at the Museum of |
Archaeology and Ethnology. I
At the meeting on May 8th, Mr Powell being unable to ,
attend in person, his paper was read by Archdeacon Cunningham, i
who added a few forewords ; and the Rev. W. Greenwood quoted |
some references to the tax from the Churchwardens' Accounts i
of St Benet's. The Rev. Dr Stokes has since written some :
notes pointing out several matters of topographical interest ■
which are incidentally revealed in the Records. These com- i
munications are printed below. |
THE HEARTH TAXES FOR THE TOWN OF CAMBRIDGE 81
(1) Forewords by the Ven. Archdeacon
Cunningham, D.D., F.B.A.
The paper by my friend Mr Powell, which has been put into
my hands to read, gives the results of a long and diligent in-
vestigation : he has succeeded' in wringing most interesting
information from somewhat arid materials. A great deal of
fresh light is being thrown on the finance of the Stuart period,
by careful study of the masses of papers which record the details
of administration. Mr W. A. ShaAv of Manchester, showed the
importance of this line of investigation in hisOwens College Essay
on the Beginnings of the National Deht^ ; and his summary of
the general situation, during the Restoration period, may serve as
an introduction to Mr Powell's account of the particular attempt
to raise revenue by a Hearth Tax. During the first ten years after
the Restoration, "hoAvever keen its distress and however bungling
its financial methods, Charles' government was still determinedly
honest-." It became bankrupt in 1672 ; but this, as Mr Shaw
points out, was far more its misfortune than its fault. In 1660
; Parliament had promised the Crown a revenue of £1,200,000
i per annum and had assigned the products of certain taxes, of
I which the Hearth Tax was one, for this purpose. But the
1 amount actually collected fell far short of the sum which had
I been voted ; for nine years the average received for the Crown
was only £572,420''; or less than a half of what had been
promised. The result of the failure of the country to supply
S the promised revenue was two-fold; on the one hand, C^harles
I was driven against his will from the position of a constitutional
'monarch, and was forced to seek revenue from other sources,
I and to reliance on France, while, on the other hand, every
'effort was made to put pressure on the collector^, to pay in
larger sums. It is this latter point that Mr Powell's paper
illustrates most fully.
1 Historical Essays by members of Oivens College, Manchester, p. 891.
I Ibid., iU. Ibid.,3U. 'lbid.,m.
G. A. S, Comm. Vol. XX. 6
82
EDGAR POWELL
(2) Notes on the Hearth Taxes for the Tow
OF Cambridge, a.d. 1664 and 1674.
By Edgar Powell, B.A., Trinity College.
The Restoration of the Stuart dynasty, following as- it dil
a long period of distress and uneasiness, found the country in |
state of great financial depression, and Charles II when h
ascended the throne had to face the problem of governmenj
with an embarrassed exchequer and an exhausted nation. Thl
situation necessitated some immediate increase in the revenu
of the Crown, and the King was therefore compelled to apply 1 1
his Parliament to devise some means to supply it ; a Bill wa \
in consequence introduced into the House of Commons ani[
passed by both houses granting him the proceeds of a tax o]J
fire hearths, which was to come into force on 25 March 1662 ^ |
This Hearth Tax consisted in an annual charge of tw »
shillings on every fire hearth, payable half-yearly by th |
occupier of the house, but persons inhabiting houses of les »
than 205. annual value, provided they did not occupy lands o ?
tenements of the value of 20^. per annum or own goods of th*;
value of £10, were exempt, and the tax was not to be charged oi'
" Blowing houses, stampe furnaces, or kilns and private ovens, ?
or alms-houses whose annual endowment did not amount to on( \
hundred pounds; nor was any person to be charged who bi|
reason of poverty was not rated to church or poor. The collec |
tion of the tax was to be entrusted to the parish constables anc |
headboroughs, who had power to enter houses to check tho
returns made by the householders, and was eventually to b(j
paid into the Exchequer through the sheriffs. \
In 1663 the Act^ was amended in Parliament and som(j
changes made in the methods of collection, as great difficulties j
had been experienced in getting returns from occupiers and the!
revenue was prejudiced by the annual change of parish officers*
In 1664 the Act^ was again and more drastically amended
1 Stat, of Realm, v. 390, 2 jud., p. 493. ^ j^j^.^ p. 514. j
THE HEAETH TAXES FOR THE TOWN OF CAMBRIDGE 83
the King now being given the power to appoint his own officers
to collect the tax, with powers similar to those granted in the
first Act, to enter houses to test the returns made ; the reasons
given for the change being the great negligence of the former
officers both in collecting and paying the proceeds into the
Exchequer, and the existence of fraudulent practices which
appear not to have been efficiently checked. It was also enacted
that ''if any person that within one yeare last past hath or
hereafter shall lett the lands gardens orchards or outhouses
formerly belonging to any dwelling house or cottage apart from
the same, or shall divide any house into severall dwellings or
lett out the same to any such persons who by reason of their
poverty may pretend to be exempted under any clause in the
former Acts shall pay the duty in as ample a manner as they
ought to have done before." This last addition had the effect
of making the owner or freeholder liable for the tax in cases of
the poverty of the occupier. No person also was now to be
exempt who had more than two chimneys.
On the security afforded by the tax the King was now able
to borrow large sums froQi groups of capitalists or " Grand
Farmers," as they were called, to relieve his more immediate
financial needs. To these men the whole of the proceeds were
handed over by the collectors against an undertaking to pay an
annual rental, a large portion of which had to be advanced,
interest at six per cent, being allowed on such advances.
The contractors who undertook the responsibilities of collec-
tion for the various counties were in several cases very unfor-
tunate in their ventures, for many of them got into debt and
some into prison in consequence of financial insolvency. Their
calculations had no doubt been seriously upset by the advent
of the plague which adversely affected their interests, as this is
the excuse urged by the collectors of Kent and elsewhere who
were in debt over the business ; and Danby\ writii\g in 1075 to
the King's Remembrancer to ask him to forbear process against
the collector for Hertfordshire, states that the debt in this case
was for sums which could not be collected for want of distress,
^ Cal. Treas. Books, vol. iv, 76s.
84
EI)(5AR POWELT.
"being for empty houses in the time of the contagion." In Cam-
bridgeshire also the collectors were in serious trouble. In Dec.
1667^ Sir C. Downing writes from the Treasury to Dr Boldero,
Master of Jesus, saying that he has been informed that Nicholas
Coates, surety for Robert Hill, late collector for Cambridgeshire,
is being sheltered in that college, and advising the Master to
" take care that the law is not hindered" ; and in May 1673^
Treasurer Clifford sends a warrant to the Warden of the Fleet i
to discharge from prison Rob. Hill, late Receiver-General of the
Hearth Tax for the County of Cambridge, and Nich. Coates his
deputy and security, since the debt due on their collection of
the said duty for one and a, half years to 29 Sept. 1665 had been
wholly remitted to them>ft)y the King, they alleging that the
said debt was due to the plague there, and other losses by;
reason of which they are become insolvent. From the dates of
these two documents it seems that the unfortunate collector and
his deputy may have been some years in prison before the
King's clemency reached them. The ravages of the plague
were no doubt severe in the county, and there is a letter
among the State papers =^ dated 20 Aug. 1666 in which it is
stated that "at Cambridge the plague is so sore that the
harvest can hardly be gathered in, though 7^ a day is offered
to labourers."
The tax from the very first was a very unpopular one in the
country generally, and the difficulties experienced in the collec-
tion of it were very great: so much so that in Dec. 1663*5
Mr Treasurer Southampton writing, concerning the failure ini
making returns demanded as to the chimney money, says " For ;
I plainly perceive that unless the owner or he that is to pay the
duty be destreyned and the penalties levied on the constables j
the service must fall to the ground." The Treasury records |
show indeed vividly enough that the tax collectors had a difficult |
and dangerous task, for what between the populace on one hand i
who beat and maltreated them, and in some cases as at Bridport \
1 Treas. Misc., Warrants, Early, vol. 86, p. 58.
2 Cal. Treas. Books, vol. iv, 134.
3 S, P. Dom. , vol. CLxviii, p. 57.
4 Cal. Treas. Books, vol. i, p. 562.
THE HEARTH TAXES FOR THE TOWN OF CAMBRIDGE 85
in 1668 iiuirdered them, for taking too much, and the nervous
farmers of the tax on the other who were always complaining
to the authorities that they produced too little, their case was a
hard one. Money was scarce and the financial stringency felt
throughout the land, and crown officers armed with powers to
make domiciliary visits of the most annoying description put
a great strain on the teniper of the taxpayer ; and one gathers
that the inquisitorial action of the hated " chimney men," as
they are called, was irritating to the last degree.
The state of affairs is clearly reflected in a long letter^ from
the Lords of the Treasury in June 1667, which was to be
delivered at the next quarter sessions to the Justices of the
i Peace of the various counties, who were evidently thought to
be culpably lukewarm in the support they gave to the collectors.
) The preamble of this letter runs as follows : " To the Justices
'of the peace of the several counties. After our hearty comen-
Idacions there are so many complaints made unto us from the
farmers and their officers of His Majestie's duty of the fire
hearths of such abuses and Ryotts and tumultuous and unlawful
actings of seuerall persons in the seueral townes and places in
denying the due payment of their duty in freeing distresses
, taken in constables backwardnes to assist and in others raising
i the Populaces not only with clamor but violence to fall upon
' the officers and in finding litle or noe countenance from those
i in authority that we are almost at a stand to consider how such
[things can be acted under a quiet and settled government where
persons entrusted with any part of it can think their owne con-
cerns wall be long quiet when His Majestie's revenue settled by
Law cannot peaceably be collected, especially in this age when
too lately under the covert of such disorders it may be so well
U'emembered there grew up factions which overturned all that
Iwas settled, etc."
1 There was also a legal difficulty in the working of th(^ Act
which seems to have caused a good deal of friction betwin^n the
liustices and the Treasury officials, and this lay in the doubt, ns
ifco the exact meaning which was to be attached to the word
' P)lowing house."
1 Treas. Misc., WiiiTants, Early, vol. 'Mi, p. 5.
86
ED(^,AR VOWELL
The county justices appear to have generally acted on the
belief that this term did not include the forges used by smiths,
while the Court of King's Bench had declared that the term
was meant to include them\
In 1672 the smiths at Birmingham objected very strongly
to paying the tax on their forges and seem to have given much
trouble to the collectors. In 1680 however Danby himself
forbade the collectors to levy the tax on such forges Nor
does it appear to have been charged on the smiths in Cambridge
in the first extract transcribed, but in the 1674 return they
seem to be charged.
In spite of its unpopularity the tax was continued throughout
the reigns of Charles II and James II, and was not abolished till
the first year of William and Mary (1689). The dislike to it
seems never to have decreased, and as Macaulay graphically
puts it^ "Along William's whole line of march from Torbay
to London he had been importuned by the common people to
relieve them of the intolerable burden of the hearth money."
Mr W. A. Shaw, the editor of the Calendar of Treasury
Books, has given some interesting tables showing the revenue
received by the King year by year during the reign of Charles II,
from w^hich it appears that the receipts from the Hearth Tax^
paid into the Treasury were as follows :
In 1662-63 ... 34080
In 1663-64
In 1664-65
In 1665-66
In 1666-67
92,646
123,325
42,362
198,096.
There is also an account-^ among the audit office records |
which gives a statement by the Grand Farmers for a period of i
five years ending Lady-Day 1684. From this it appears that |
the yearly rent they undertook to pay was £162,000. The |
sum of £779,462 is stated to have been paid into the Treasury :
' 1. Cal. Treas. Books, vol. v, 159. ^ j^j^^^ 736. i'
^ Macauiay, iii, 36. '* Cal. Treas. Books, vol. i, p. xxix.
5 Declared Accts. a.o. (P.R.O.); i-V-^. !
THE HEARTH TAXES FOR THE TOWN OF CAMBRIDGE 87
during the period, and after making various allowances for
interest on money advanced and other charges, the farmers
were still owing some £30,000 at the close of the period.
The quota contributed to the tax by the town and county
of Cambridge may be gathered from the summaries at the end
of the rolls. In 1662 the following figures are given^ :
The University ... 1,298 hearths
The town 4,133 „
The Isle of Ely ... 7,934 „
Without the Isle of Ely 14,087
Total ... 27,452
which for the half-year should produce £1372. 125. Od.
In 1664 the University paid £64. 10s. Od., the town
.£231. 5s. 6d., and the whole county £1421. 18.y. Qd. for the
^1 half-year which ended at Michaelmas I
In 1666 the collector has written in the paper book con-
taining the return a note that there were 30,700 hearths in
the whole county^.
According to the Act of Parliament the collectors of the tax
were to send in their accounts showing the names of the occupiers
of the houses and number of their hearths to the Justices of
the Peace of their respective counties, who were enjoined to
j cause these returns to be enrolled, and a duplicate copy to be
iimade on parchment, which was to be deposited in the Court
'of the Exchequer.
The Calendar of Lay Subsidies in the Public Record office
shows that the following documents relating to the Hearth Tax
. are now extant for the county of Cambridge, viz. :
A parchment roll of 45 membranes in good condition
referring to the whole county dated 14 Car. ii, and endorsed
]()62, giving the names of householders and the nuuber of their
hearths. Lay Subsidy f-^jr.
A parchment roll of 105 membranes referring to tJie w hoh^
j 1 Lay Subsidy, Lay Subsidy, iVr-
1 ^ Lay Subsidy, -^V"-
88
EDGAR POWELL
county tor Mich. l(j()4, giving names of householders, numbci ;
of hearths, with notes bringing it up to Mich. 1665. This roll '
is damaged in places. Lay Subsidy \
A bundle of 150 paper certificates, signed by Ministers and I,
others, giving lists of people in various parishes whose houses
did not contain more than two hearths, in 1672. Most of the ,
parishes in Cambridge have returns here. Lay Subsidy f-^-^.
L
A narrow paper book of 215 leaves, in a good state, con-:
taining a return for the whole county, giving names of house-
holders and number of hearths, in 1666. Lay Subsidy |
A parchment roll of 88 membranes, being a return for the '
whole county in 1674, giving names of householders and number \
of hearths. Lay Subsidy I
i
A small paper roll containing a return for Whittlesey only. ,
Lay Subsidy -^Y- '
Three bundles of fragments in bad state. Lay Subsidies
_2_44 _244 144
21 ' 25 ' 26 •
The first extract transcribed is taken from Lay Subsidy
No. -f-^j, which contains the first return after the King hadi ,
appointed his own officers to collect the tax, and is in five
columns. The two middle columns, which contain the names
of the householders and the number of their hearths, are ;
apparently copied from the roll for 1662, No. f-^-^, excepting |
the portion called " New Entries," and though at the heading of 4
the roll the statement is made that the return is for Michaelmas |
1664, the information in a few cases is brought up to a later i
date in the right-handermost column which contains notes j
referring to Mich. 1665. i
The collecting officers were instructed to write "Ex." in!
their returns when the entry both as to names and number j
of hearths was the same as on the previous roll. \
I do not think it possible to get from the return the exact
number of houses in the town owing to the ambiguity of some f
of the entries and the doubt as to the meaning of the term
" divided tenement." The number of hearths however in the '
THE HEARTH TAXES FOR THE TOWN OF CAMBRIDGE 89
town in 1664 was returned, exclusive of the University and
Barnwell, as 4960, which were contained in some 1600 houses,
and from these data one can form a rough estimate of the
population.
The second extract is from Lay Subsidy -2^, and gives a
view of the inhabitants in 1674, just ten years later than the
previous extract. This is especially interesting, as the period
includes the two years when the plague visited the town ; and
the changes are reflected in the return. The number of hearths
was not much greater, being only 5022 for the town, exclusive
of the University and Barnwell.
Edgar Powell.
Uppercross, ^
Reading.
Contractions used in the Transcripts.
A. = Ann. Ab. = Abraham. Ad. = Adam. And. = Andrew. Ant.=
Anthony. Aug. = Augustine.
Ben. = Benjamin.
C. = Charles. Chr. or Chris. = Christopher.
Dan. = Daniel. D. = David. Dr = Doctor. Dor. = Dorothy.
E. = Edward. Ed. = Edmund. Eliz. = Elizabeth. Ew. = Edwin.
Era. — Francis.
G. = George.
H. = Henry. Hum. = Humphrey.
ls. = Isaack.
Ja.= James. J.;=John. Jon. = Jonathan. Jos. = Joseph.
Kath. = Katharine.
L. = Leonard.
Mat. = Matthew. M. = Mary. Mich. ^ Michael.
Nath. = Nathanael. Nich. = Nicholas.
0 w. — Owen.
Ph. = Philip.
R. = Robert. Ric. = Richard. Rog. = Roger.
Sam. = Samuel. Sar.=- Sarah. Steph. Stephen.
Th. = Thomas. Theo. = Theophilus. Ty m. = Tyuiothy.
W. = William. Walt. = Walter. Wid. = Widow.
Figures in brackets arc editorial. Tims [Vy2()].
90
EDGAR POWELL
(3) Extracts from the Churchwardens' Accounts '
OF St Benet's, supplied by the Eev. W. Green
WOOD, M.A.
1682.
Paid Chimney money for :
a yere for Good^ Bell j
1683.
Paid Goody Bell's j,
Chimney Money t
6 months Is. ^
)
(4) Topographical Notes on the Hearth Tax \
Records. t
By the Rev. H. P. Stokes, LL.D., Litt.D., F.S.A. |j
The Archdeacon of Ely in his Forewords and Mr Powell in j
his Preface, have dealt with these Hearth Tax Returns in theii \
historical and economic aspects. Some remarks may be offered i
on their local topography : for the rolls make a detailed return ;
of the number of chimneys in every house in every parish ; j
recording the names of even those householders who were too i
poor to pay the tax. ?
The full lists (for 1664 and 1674) are too long to be printed j
here ; but the transcripts of them are preserved, and may be i
seen in the Library of our Archaeological Museum. \
Much information as to the inhabitants and as to thei|(
circumstances of Cambridge, at the dates referred to, may be
found in Alderman Newton's Diary \ in the papers ^ left by Sir [
Thomas Sclater, in the pages of Cooper's Annals (vol. ill), and i
elsewhere. i
With the aid of these works, we may comment on the j
Hearth Tax Returns. I
1 The Diary of Samuel Newton, Alderman of Cambridge, 1662 — 1717, edited ;
by J. E. Foster, M.A., C.A.S. Octavo Publications, No. xxiii.
2 The Reformation of the Corporation of Cambridge, July 1662, by W. M. j
Palmer, M.D., C.A.S. Proceedings, No. lxv, Vol, xvii. I
THE HEARTH TAXES FOR THE TOWN OF CAMBRIDGE 91
Let us begin with the public institutions mentioned in
them.
Connected with the Corporation, we may note, in the 1674
returns, " the Towne Hall," 4 chimneys, and " Stur bridge Fair
House," 3. These are both given under the head of Great
St Mary's parish; only the latter being recorded in 1664, and
then under Barnwell. In 1664, under St Edward's, we find
"Fower (4) houses in the Fish Market hired by the parish
of the Corporation for poore people," 4 chimneys. The same
parish also returns : " Caius College Almes Houses," 6 hearths.
These homes, which are now at Newnham, originally stood in
the Perse School grounds. Looking for the Free School in the
same list, we find Dr Perse's foundation disguised under the fol-
lowing entries: "G. Griffeth, gent., iiij; H. Rix,gent.,ij"; George
• Griffith, M.A., of Queens' College, being Master of the School
rfrom 1652 to 1687, and Henry Rix, B.A., of Caius, being Usher
there from 1657 for some ten years or more. In St Botolph's
parish, the former list closes with the following detail : " In
Queenes Colledg Alme houses are viij."
The vexed question of the parish to which the Castle
buildings belonged is complicated by certain entries in the
; 1664 list: "The Castle, 3; Sessions house, 1; Jury house, 1,"
i under St Peter's parish !
The last item in the ordinary list of the parish of St Andrew
ithe Great is "The Workhouse" with 13 chimneys. This, of
course, refers to the celebrated Workhouse and House of Correc-
t tion founded by Thomas Hobson.
The vestry of the Church of St Mary the Great is credited
•with one hearth. In the same parish, the entry "Francis
Perara " (6 chimneys) stands for the Coffee House between that
church and the University Library.
j
\ Turning from public institutions to public men, we may
' notice the names of certain gremials, that is, of University
members having private residences in the town. \\\ Jesus
Lane, in All Saints' parish, there dwelt two Doctors of Divinity,
former Fellows of Jesus College, Hugh Floyd (with 5 h(^arths)
I and Thomas Stevens (with 10). In St Edward's })arish, the
92
EDGAR POWELL
Rev. Dr Gilbert Wigmore, of Queens', lived in 1674 in a large ,
house with 18 chimneys: this may have been the old Augus ij
tinian Friars' building, where in the former roll (1664) we finc'l
Mr Thomas Buck, the well-known Esquire Bedell and Universit} i
Printer, who was credited with 17 hearths. Another holder oi
the two offices just mentioned, Mr John Peck, M.A., of St John's, :
had two houses (5 and 2) in St Botolph's. In the parish just |
named, we meet, in both lists, a fellow and benefactor of Trinity t
College, Sir Thomas Sclater, Bart. (13), whose papers Dr Palmer
has edited, with such skill, for our Society. Another active ;
justice of the peace. Sir Isaac Thornton, of Corpus, was living
in Little St Mary's (6) in 1664. Mr Nicholas Jacob, of Emmanuel, \
son-in-law of Mr Alderman Spalding, had a house in St Edward's |
(9) in the first list, but appears in St Benedict's in the second j
roll, being credited with one more chimney (10). Dr Dillingham, \
the Master of Emmanuel, is found with a house of 4 hearths in |
Little St Mary's in 1664 ; this may mean that he was the land- j
lord. In the same list and parish, however, where the Master [
of Peterhouse is mentioned, the entry is " Dr Pern, owner of the
George Inn (8)." Other members of the University are named ^
as owners of houses in the town ; e.g. " Mr Andrew Spencer j
[a fellow] of King's, a tenement empty in which are iiij hearths" i
is an entry in St Andrew's parish. Mr Matthew Winn, M.A., i
St John's, who was Registrary of the University from 1645 to |
1683, figures in both rolls, in Holy Trinity parish (5). Other |
members and many " privileged " persons and officials might j
be named, down to the well-known "dog-bedel" Titus Tillett, |
who lived in Great St Mary's (3 and 2). |
Special reference must, however, be made to a large number '
of medical men and apothecaries, whether connected with the \
University or not. Sir Thomas Sclater, M.D., has already been j
named ; we may add Nicholas Wragg, M.D., of Queens' (9), j
Great St Mary's; Ralph Flyer, M.D., fellow of Queens' (6), j
St Andrew's; Robert Fade, M.D., fellow of Caius (11), Trinity \
parish; Edward Stoyte, M.D., fellow of St John's (11), \
St Edward's; Professor Christopher Greene, M.D., fellow of i
Caius, and his father of the same name, who was cook at that
College (8) ; Martin Buck, of Queens' (13), St Edward's ; Peter
THE HEARTH TAXES FOR THE TOWN OF CAMBRIDGE 93
Dent sen., and Peter Dent, jun., M.B. (7), Holy Sepulchre;
Geotirey Heath, of St John's (7), St Benedict's; and others.
Again, as characteristic of a University town, many names
of printers, stationers, booksellers, and bookbinders may be
noticed in the two lists ; as J. Millicent (4 and 6), Wm. Morden,
John and Thomas Nicholson (10;, W. Greaves (5), Troilus
Atkinson (4), and others, all of Great St Mary's parish. William
Greaves is stated, on the title-page of one of his books, to have
lived " over against St Marie," i.e. in what is now Senate House
Yard ; Troilus Atkinson held property in various parts of Cam-
bridge, and was regarded as " the factotum" of Christ's College.
Among the official University Printers may be noted (beside
Thomas Buck and John Peck already named) J. Field (7 and 3),
1664, and J. Hayes (11), 1674, who lived successively at the
Printing House at the corner of Silver Street and Queens' Lane
in St Botolph's.
In the same parish lived Cornelius Austin (11) and Robert
Grumbolcl (3), master workmen, whose names are repeatedly
mentioned in Willis and Clark's Architectural History of the
Universiti/. The former kept " The Cardinal's Cap," an inn which
stood on the site of the Pitt Press in Trumpington Street.
The mention of this innkeeper reminds us of the many
1 vintners who appear in these lists with the largest number of
\ hearths and chimneys : Christopher Rose (16) of The Falcon,
\ St Andrew's parish ; William Wells (27) of The Three Tuns,
and Owen Mayfield (14) of The Mitre, both of St Edward's;
,^ Mr Richard Allen (29) and Mr Spenser (30) of Great St Mary's :
: and many others.
Before these should have been noted those who filled the
ji office of Mayor, Alderman, Town Councillor, Town Clerk, Bailiff.
; etc. But these important citizens have already been tabulated,
as to the number of their hearths as well as to other aspects, in
I the interesting Communication printed for our Society by
I Dr Palmer on The Reformation of the Corporation af Caiuhridije
j (vol. XVII, pp. 131-136).
I There are many other details' of considerable nit(MH>si in
I • E.g., nnd(^r St Benedict's parish, Goodwife Bell (referied to in Mr Groeu-
• wood's note) is mentioned in 1674 as " discharged by legal certificate"' for ou«j
94
EDGAR POWELL
local histoiy which might be mentioned ; but space is limited.
We may close by referring to the records relating to the village
of Barnwell. Here, of course, Squire Butler's residence stands
out with its 13 chimneys, the name of the Bullen property (5) is
still remembered, the inevitable public-house appears, kept by
John Disborowe (3) "att ye signe of ye George there, being a
corner house," of doubtful reputation. On the Stourbridge
Fair ground, buildings belonging to the Corporation, to Sir
John Cotton and others are mentioned.
Between Barnwell and Cambridge, probably on what is now
called Maid's Causeway, stood a house long known as "New
England," with 6 chimneys.
The following is a summary of the number of hearths in
the Colleges :
1664
1674
Trinity College ...
215
227
St John's College
134
150
King's College ...
84
84
Corpus Christi {alias Benedict
College)
St Katherine's Hall
64
66
48
48
Queens' College..,
79
81
Peter House
59
60
Pembroke Hall ...
69
74
Trinity Hall
50
50
Clare Hall
52
64
Gonville and Caius College
84
86
Sidney Sussex College ...
55
55
Jesus College
67
65
Magdalene College
53
53
Emmanuel College
89
93
Christ's College
85
96
1287
1352
hearth. Searchers in the registers of this parish have been puzzled by entries
for trivial sums of money from ' ' Duke Norfolk " ; our lists show that his Grace
was a certain small householder, Mr Marmaduke Norfolk. The *' ups and downs"
of the inhabitants may be illustrated by the fact that Mr John Lowry, M.P.,
Mayor, etc., in the Commonwealth days, apparently lived in 1664 m a cottage.
t
Camb. Ant. Soc. Vol. XX
Plate XIX, p. 95
THE HEARTH TAXES FOR THE TOWN OF CAMBRIDGE 95
The following are the amounts paid by the different parishes
1664 ; though there are some doubtful points. The sums
1674 may be calculated from the number of hearths:
£
s.
d.
The University of Cambridge...
64
10
00
Cambridge Town.
Trinity parish ...
St Peter's ... "...
25
14
00
6
17
00
St Giles's
11
01
00
St Clement's
15
15
00
St Sepulchre's ...
All Saints' ...
11
15
00
18
08
06
ot liidward s
20
18
00
Great St Mary's
30
17
00
St Andrew's
27
00
00
St Michael's
10
08
00
St Benedict's ...
17
16
00
St Botolph's
17
02
00
Little St Mary's
12
19
00
Barnwell
4
15
00
£295
15
06
Dr Dale's Visits to Cambridge, 1722-1738.
By Prof. T. McKenny Hughes, F.R.S., F.S.A.
Read at the Meeting on May 22, 1916.
CONTENTS.
PAGE
History of MS.
96
Dr Dale
96
Mode of Travelling
98
Condition of Country Roads
100
The Routes ...
... 102
The Dykes and other Earthworks
104
Cambridge ...
... 107
The Woodwardian Museum
109
Botany ... ... ...
... 110
Dinners
... 112
Churches and Chapels
114
Libraries
... 116
96
PROFESSOR HUGHES
History of the MS.
The mannscript with which this paper is concerned is a note
book measuring 6,J- x 4^ x ^ inch and containing 107 leaves,
bound in grey paper boards. It was one of the Mss. in the
Phillipps Collections, being catalogued as No. 8361. It formed
Lot 148 in Quaritch's catalogue of the Phillipps sale, June 6,
1898, when it was acquired by the University Library, where
its descriptive title (now amended) was
Add. 3466.
Iter Cantabrigiense
1722 by
Dr. Woodward
Phillipps MS. 8861.
The idea that it was written by the founder of the Wood-
wardian Museum and Chair of Geology led the Librarian to
call my attention to it and lend it to me for examina.tion.
It was probably attributed to Dr Woodward because of the
interest which the writer shows in Geological questions and
the friendly relations w^hich existed between him and Cambridge
Geologists. But that supposition is obviously erroneous, as
Dr Woodward died in 1728, and these itinera carry us down to
1738.
Dr Dale.
Internal evidence shows that it was written by Samuel Dale,
a medical man who lived at Brain tree in Essex ^ He starts from
Braintree, as we read in the very first line of the MS. He is
always collecting prescriptions and other information which
would be useful to a general practitioner; and we find all
through the MS. mention of wild plants sought for, and of roots
and cuttings given to him and carried home to be planted in
his garden. He especially notices having seen a collection of
materia medica at Queens'.
But the most conclusive evidence that it was written by
1 Samuel Dale, 1659-1739. Cf. Britten and Boulger's British and Irish
Botanists, p. 64. See also Dictionary of National Biography.
DR dale's visits TO CAMBRIDGE, 1722-1738 97
Dr Dale is the account given of the examination of Dr Wood-
ward's collections of fossils in which the writer says "in cabinet B
I compared the fossils of Harwich Clift with those which I
published in ni}^ Histor}^ of Harwich." Here Dr Dale is
referring to his work On the Antiquities of Harwich and
Dovercourt which was based upon the work of Silas Taylor
(1676) and published by Dr Dale with additions and comments.
He mentions relations and friends living in East Anglia, a
cousin Randkin or Rankin at Walden, and another Robert
Lagden at St Aylets, the front of whose house was like that of
a monastic establishment, i.e. " with windows like Church
Windows."
On May 27, 1738, he delivered a letter from Thomas
Spurgeon to a kinsman of his in Caius with whom he drank tea.
Dr Dale was at one time a pharmaceutical chemist at
Braintree^ but became a licentiate of the College of Physicians
and settled at Bocking, a part of Braintree, where he practised
as a physician until his death in 1739.
He was a friend of the great naturalist John Ray (1628-
1705) who also lived near Braintree, and he speaks of him as
" Our Mr Ray." He mentions him in connection with the
Methodus Plantarum of Linnaeus, of which he had only just
heard.
In 1693 he published a Pharmacologia or Introduction to
the Materia Medica in which he followed and quoted largely
from Ray.
The statement that he was a Fellow of the Royal Society
has been questioned, but he communicated various papers
which were published in the Philosophical Transactions. A
group of leguminous plants was named after him Dalea, often
confounded with Dahlia, erroneously pronounced in the same
way but named after Dr Dahl.
I Our MS. was evidently written as a private memorandum
, book, in which he jotted down anything that he hoard or read
about that might be worth looking out for, as well as obser-
vations made in the course of his trips. S« wo must not regard
it as a specimen of his style, which in his published works was
1 See Hist. Audley End by Richard Neville, Lord Braybrooke.
C. A. S. Comm. Vol. XX. 7
98
I'ROFESSOR HUGHES
good : but, being the note book of an observant traveller, it gives
us an insight into his thoughts and methods, and presents a <
sketch of the intellectual and social life in Cambridge as it :
struck an intelligent visitor, who recorded it for private refer-
ence and not for publication. ■
We find all through the MS. evidence that Dr Dale read up '
and made enquiries about the places he was going to visit. In '
his notes on one trip he says " So farr I went this jorney being ,
disappointed, partly by not making notes before I left home
and partly by company."
He recorded the chief features of all the churches, copied i
out inscriptions on mural tablets and other monuments, and |
described the armorial bearings in the language of heraldry. j
We have also his impression of the person, life, and sur- ;
roundings of many a well-remembered Cambridge man ; but, as i
he wrote down the names given to him as well as he could catch >
them by ear, we find such renderings as Buckuit for Dr Bouquet !
the Regius Professor of Hebrew (1712-1747). [
His notes too, must have been written at odd times, as he ■
could snatch opportunities from sight-seeing and company, and
the spelling shows 'absence of care or revision. In fact we have'
here only an uncorrected pocket note book — all the more'
interesting for that^
There are other records of life at Cambridge at about the;
same period, e.g. Pattern for Young Students in the University ,
set forth in the Life of Mr Ambrose Bonwicke Sometime Scholar
of St Johns College in Cambridge, 1703-1709, b. 1691. Edited i
by J. E. B. Mayor, and re-edited by M. R. James, Provost of
King's. This however looks at things from a very different point i
of view.
Mode of Travelling.
If we turn to Fielding^ (1707-1754), who was about half a
century later than Dr Dale (1659-1739), we get a glimpse of
1 His spelling is irregular, sometimes even irrational; nevertheless he '
expresses amusement at what he calls the "orthography " of a notice which he
found posted between AshQon andEadwinter,namel3% "Her ends AshdunHiWa."
2 The History of the Adventures of Joseph Andrews and his Friendi^
Mr Abraham Adams, Bk. ii. Ch. ii.
DR dale's visits TO CAMBRIDGE, 1722-1738
99
the wa^'s of travellers in those days. Mr Adams and Joseph
• were both setting out, having agreed to ride and tie ; a method
of travelling much used by pei^ons who have but one horse
between them, and is thus performed. The two travellers set
out together, one on horseback the other on foot : now, as it
generally happens that he on horseback outgoes him on foot,
the custom is, that when he arrives at the distance agreed on,
he is to dismount, tie the horse to some gate, tree, post, or other
thing, and then proceed on foot ; when the other comes up to
,the horse he unties him, mounts, and gallops on, till, having
passed by his fellow traveller, he likewise arrives at the [second]
place of tying. And this is that method of travelling so much
in use among our prudent ancestors, who knew that horses had
mouths as well as legs, and that they could not use the latter
without being at the expense of suffering the beasts themselves
'to use the former." [From this it appears that the horse was so
tied that he could graze while waiting.]
" This was the method," Fielding goes on to say, " in use
in those days when, instead of a coach and six, a member of
parliament's lady used to mount a pillion behind her husband :
and a grave serjeant-at-law condescended to amble to West-
minster on an easy pad, with his clerk kicking his heels behind
him." Clearly the travellers could not carry much baggage in
such cases, but if we turn to an earlier paragraph in Fielding's
stor}^ we read what was the usual equipment for a journey on
horseback. " The sermons, which the parson was travelling to
London to publish, were, 0 my good reader ! left behind ; what
he had mistaken for them in the saddle-bags being no other
than three shirts, a pair of shoes, and some other necessaries,
which Mrs Adams, who thought her husband would want shirts
.more than sermons on his journey, had carefully provided him."
The usual equipment for a journey on horseback in those
lays was (1) a round leather valise in front, fast«^ned to the
[jommel by two buckles which vn'dy still be noticed under the
leather flap in front of most saddles : (2) another round or square
.leather valise fastened on to the saddle behind : («S) two leat hor
'saddle bags, either fastened below the flaps of the saddle or
' forming part of a double bag like a " hold-all," which uiay be
7-2
100
PROFESSOR TTUOTTF.S
rolled up into a convenient round parcel or opened and throwi
pannier-fashion over a mule's back — very useful if you have t ■
carry your baggage over a mountain pass. Sometimes thi ■
great-coat would be strapped on in place of either the front o
back valise. The servant would carry larger packs similarl ■
disposed. Dr Dale was accompanied by a servant on anothc
horse, as we may infer from his mentioning that he had to pa^ '
Id. per horse toll at the turnpike by Hawkston Mills, and a
Stapleford. This was probably Sam, whom he says he took t(
the University Press, where he was allowed to print his owi
name.
Condition of Country Roads. i
Thus equipped Dr Dale would start off in the early morning \
first taking some route well known because near home, bu i
soon finding himself on unenclosed and generally uncultivater '
ground. He had a map, but unfortunately that was not kepli
with the note book. There were several county maps available ;
but all on a small scale and very sketchy. He has a note ir;
1736 "the Mapp of Cambridgshire in Cambden's Brittania i>
very faulty, the Scituation of the towns in it not rightlj j
placed ^" When he turned off the roads he would have to be;
guided by his knowledge of the general direction, helped some-
times by more or less well trodden paths across the open. Tht,
enclosure of the country is a very recent thing. "Many a,
morning did [Simeon] ride to Yelling over the then almost;
hedgeless country " to see Henry Venn (Ghas. Simeon, by Moule |
p. 27). An old workriian at Chesterton told me that he!
recollected when there were no fences on the North side of
Cambridge except just about the villages; and Colonel Walel
when a boy used to ride into Cambridge from Shelford across
open country. Still earlier Dr Dale records that he rode " from^
Fordham to Newmarket 4 miles all through the fielding." Thei
last gate from the fenced fields was known as "end-gate" and
the road that led on to the unenclosed land was known as " end-
1 Of the Road-Books founded on Ogilby's Survey, the best known is tht*
Britannia Depicta, 1720-1764. See Notes on British and Irish Itineraries and '
Road Books, by Sir H. George Fordham. Read at Geog. Sect. Brit. Assoc.,
Dundee, 1912.
DR dale's visits TO CAMBRIDGE, 1722-1738 101
way." These are still in some form common names in the
North of England as Enyeat, Endmoor, Fellend, etc., etc.
He sometimes rode along a spur- way or as we should now
call it a bridle-road, i.e. a way suitable for riding on horse-back
but not for wheels.
In the very first iter we read that he turned off the roads at
" 3 way leet " and rode across country to Beasley End where
there was a public house at the " End- way." A leet is the
channel which carries the water to a mill.
He is always careful to note the position and character of
the churches, mentioning whether the steeple is " spired " or
"towered." This was of course the most conspicuous object,
especially in those days when the houses were generally small.
One might think that he was riding through a previously
unexplored country, and was describing the various native
villages and the features that caught his eye. Sometimes he
makes a mistake as to the name of a place and corrects it in
the description of a subsequent trip. He was riding straight
over unenclosed ground, and not as we should now-a-days along
roads running fi'om one village to another.
Previous to the enclosure of properties, travellers followed
the flattest, the straightest and the soundest route, and this
route admitted of slight deviations according to the weather.
The route from Cherryhinton to Cambridge varied within the
memory of man according to the season.
But when the route was restricted to a road as time went
on, by the encroachment of properties upon it ; and finally when
this road, repaired, with a ditch for drainage purposes on one or
both sides, became an obvious and recognisable line for the
demarcation of parishes or properties, there was no further
deviation. This is how the ancient cattle track known as the
ilcknield Way from the country of the Iceni changed from a
Toute to a road.
I accompanied the Ordnance Survey when seeking evidence
of the exact position of an ancient road supposed to run North-
wards from the Castle Hill ; and our difficulty was not to find
•some ditch or bank which might bc^ taken to indicate it, but to
decide which of many such was the most probable line of road.
102
PROFESSOR HUGHES
There was no reason why a road should not be straight in i
flat open country with a dry soil. When however the rout(
which was becoming a road, approached an ancient settlemen
like Cottenham for instance, where small enclosures alread
existed, the public way skirted these and zigzagged throug '
the village. Aldreth on the contrary was built along a
ancient road the exact position of which was determined by '
bridge. /
We must bear this in mind in tracing Roman Roads in sue]
a district as ours, for often the only argument offered in favou
of a particular feature representing a Roman Road is it
straightness. j j
Dr Dale describes the country as he saw it before th J
position of many of our roads had become fixed. He rode oves
the open ground called the Fielding, which is probably the sami
word as the Dutch Veldt and perhaps the North Country Feh
and is used in the same sense as the Welsh Maes or the lat^
Latin Foresta and old English Forrest, which got its modern
meaning in districts where all outside the cleared and cultivated
ground was Woodland.
The Routes.
He describes in interesting detail the exact route by whict
he left Brain tree on his first recorded trip (1722), and hifi
impressions of Walden where he spent the night.
Anyone visiting that town now would say that it was almosn
all on high ground and that the streets were steep : but whei?
Dr Dale saw it the town must have been confined to the bottom
of the valley between the Statitin and the Castle. In a later
entry (May 1, 1735) he says that Walden is "very much rouno
like Braintree but bigger as when Booking end is included witb
it." In his time the Mayor of Walden was sworn September 24
on the Moot Hill.
Next day (June 28) he rode on to Cambridge. Had he
corrected his notes he would have struck out "thence tc[
Swaston" (Sawston) which should come two lines lower dowiij
where it is repeated. His description of^the old steps, which hef
believed formed* the base of a cross, applies to " Hinkeston " not
DR dale's visits TO CAMBRIDGE, 1722-1738
103
1, to Sawston. This interesting relic he compares to the building
K on Butter Hill, Sudbury.
i At Cambridge he put up at an inn, but what inn he does
i not tell us.
^ On the return journey he was accompanied part of the way
^by Andrews the botanist. They rode to Ely looking for plants
especially Gonyza' palustris {Inula Gonyza, Ploughman's Spike-
nard) which however they failed to find. Next morning they
rode on to Newmarket where they dined — early it would seem
— for after dinner they continued their ride through the gap in
Ithe Devil's Dyke, across Balsham Dyke, and thence over unen-
closed ground all the way to Linton, and so home.
About Great Chesterford, only three miles 'from Saffron
i Walden, he " observ'd in divers places that they were now very
busy in taking up of their Saffron roots, that they might plant
Ithem again in fresh ground about Michaelmas. When they
have taken them up they bring them home and there take off
itheir outward skin which they call Ross."
The Saffron was the Grocus satiuus of Linnaeus, a plant
introduced from the East in 1339 by a native of Walden in
Essex who hollowed out his palmer's staff and carried home a
•bulb of the Saffron plant within it " with venture of his life, for,
lif he had been taken, by the law of the country from whence he
icame he had died for the fact\"
This may explain why it used to be cultivated (till about
1768) chiefly at Saffron Walden, at Hinton, and as Dr Dale
•records at Chesterford. In Dr Dale's time it was cultivated
^almost entirely for the colour prepared from the stigmas. This
iwas used for dyeing clothing material and for colouring food
and drugs, but the medicine prepared from the root was little
I used till 1763. It was a specific against ague.
It is still commonly put into cakes and buns, as for instance
tin Dublin and in the South-west of England.
Passing Fulmer (afterwards Foulmire and now Fowlmere)
ihe notes that the steeple of the church is " an embattled tower
(standing colegiat fashion " — whatever that may mean.
In 1730 on his third iter he records that the old ro.ul wliif^h
1 Hakluyt.
104
PROFESSOH HUGHES
used to run over the top of the hill had been diverted when a
new brick house was built near the stables ; next year he saw '
the workmen " very busy in making the new Causeway between
Cambridge and Gogmagog," and in 1733 he tells us that it had
been completed. This was Worts Causeway, but he writes '
Watts for Worts.
He records the general appearance and character of several !
old places, some of which have since been altered or swept away. 1
For instance, the house formerly of Sir Martin Lumley, Bart.,
but now of Mr Stevenson, he tells us was an ancient brick
building in form of a half Roman H : and at Sandford Parva he
saw on the south side of the church " a building cover'd with
tile, like a transept, formerly some capple or chantrey, now used |
as a school."
Dykes and other Earthworks.
It was not likely that a man like Dr Dale would have failed
to notice the great Dykes. " There are divers ditches," he says,
" or rather ramparts in this county." " The Divels Ditch about
1 mile from Newmarket is the largest and hath commonly that
appelation as thinking it more than the work of man." It
begins at Wood Ditton or as he says elsewhere at Cartledge,
and reaches almost the town of Reche.
" The Graft of this is deep and towards the west," he says,
using the word graft for the fosse, and rampart for the vallum,
words stereotyped for us by Bruce of the Roman Wall. The
whole structure of " fosse " and " vallum " is now often referred I
to as Rampart, Dyke or Ditch.
The second or Seven Mile Dyke, so called from its distance
from Newmarket, takes its rise from the east side of the Cam
near Fen Ditton and, interrupted by Quy Water, runs past
" Wilberham," Fulburn " and Balsham, as far as Cartledge,
both parts having been known as Fleam Dyke, or " Cow ledge
as saith Cambden but to me it seems to end by Cauvis Hall in
Wood Ditton."
The third, called Brent Ditch, runs from Melborn by Fulmer
and the fourth or outwardmost begins at Hingeston and runs
eastward by Hildersham towards Horseheath, five miles. This
I
DR dale's visits TO CAMBRIDGE, 1722-1738
105
he tells us was known as Flems Dyke. These Dykes are
thought by Carabden to be the work of the East Anglians to
defend them from the incursions of the Mercians.
He has got confused probably from having trusted to hear-
say evidence between the two last (both of which are known as
Brent or Brant, i.e. steep ditch) and the great rampart known
as the Roman Road on the Gogmagogs.
This last however he had himself seen, for he tells us how
he had another time ridden from Braintree round by Castle
J Hedingham and after passing Horsel (Horseheath) entered into
fielding and came to a Roman Way which continued to Gog-
magog Hills. Elsewhere he describes it as running southward
' from the brow of the hill, a curious place for a raised road to
come to an end.
On his return journey he examined this road more carefully
■ and " observed it to have a graft in one place on both sides."
When he saw it two centuries ago it was a road, as it still is,
but he quotes the suggestion of Dr Gibson, Bishop of London
and Editor of Cambden, that originally perhaps it was, like the
other Dykes, one of the Ditches or Termini for dividing the
Saxon Kingdoms. This is very interesting, for though these
dykes played an important part in the wars of Saxon times
there is little doubt that they were originally thrown up by
; pre-Roman people. They were all used and are still used as
\ paths or roads. That by Worsted or Wool Street was probably
somewhat more modified than the others because it ran
along a useful route and was therefore flattened and widened
on top.
Nor did the numerous camps and tumuli escape his notice.
Some of these, alas ! have been destroyed.
Wandlebury he says " hath three ramparts and two grafts
between and a gigantic figure of Gogniagog cut on the turf in
I the middle of the camp." It is curious that he does not mention
' the War Ditches, if traces of that remarkable earthwork were
then visible. There was no indication on the surface a few years
, ago, though the fosse was nearly 15 feet dcv]) \\\ pl.uM»s.
He does mention Arbury, or as he calls it Aubcrries. and
tells us that the parish boundary ran through it and that the
106
PKOFESSOR HUGHES
half in one parish was levelled whereas the half in the adjoining
parish remains to this day.
I cannot help thinking that the War Ditches and Arbury,
belong to one type while Gogmagogand Ring Hill near Audley;
End belong to a different type.
These circular earthworks are as we read in Dr Dale's
Itineraries often called Roman, because there is not one which
has not in or near it remains of the Romans or. Romanized
British. But the manner of occurrence of these points to the
occupation by the later people of the entrenched settlements or
camps of the earlier British inhabitants.
The traces of Roman occupation near Arbury, especially
north of the circular earthwork, were so numerous that it was
one of the sites assigned to Camboritum, others being the
Gogmagog Camp, Grantchester, Cambridge, Chesterfbrd, Ick-
lingham, etc.
The " Roman Camp " he wished to visit near Chesterton
was certainly the circular entrenchment known as Aubery
Camp. He refers to the same earthwork in his notes on the
10th iter where he says he went to Mr Glover's at Chesterton,
intending to have seen the Roman camp in that Parish lying
about one mile from the church, called Auberries, but night
hindered his seeing it, to which he appends this note : " Dr. Gale
seems in his Commentary upon Antoninus Iter v p. 92 to make
this camp at Chesterton called Anburies the Camboricum of
that Author which he writes takes its name from the river
Cam." Next year however he visited it and describes it as " of
an irregular form because part thereof which lyeth in another
Parish is demolished, what remains contains about 10 acres."
Whatever Aubury Camp may be, it is certainly not Roman.
" Dr Walker," he says, " believes that there hath been
another camp about where the church stands."
Prof Mason complained of the errors in Salmon's observa-
tions and expressed the opinion that the sites of the Roman
antiquities of Cambridgeshire, Essex and Suffolk had been
wrongly assigned.
On his 10th trip (June 2, 1737) he rode straight to Walden
and after dinner went round to visit what he calls the Roman
DR DALES VISITS TO CAMBRIDGE, 1722-1738 107
camp. He was not referring to the earthworks of Roman date
close to Walden, but to the round earnp close to the tunnel of
the railway north of Audley End. It is not Roman but what
we call British.
He di.scu.sses brieHy the opinion of various writers upon it,
and mentions the brick building inside it, for which a sort of
temple was erected when the camp was converted into a pleajsure
ground, and a broad drive was constructed on or near the ram-
part all round. I have to thank Lord Braybrooke for showing
me over the ground and pointing out these various alterations.
Salmon calls it Ring Hill," the name given to it lapon the
Ordnance Map. Dr Gale calls it "Sterbur}' Hill,"' p. Ill, a
name still connected with it. Stukeley calls it a gr^-at Roman
Camp Qter v. p. 75, Tab. XLV.).
Close to the so-called Roman Road on the Go^iacro^s there
were several conspicuous tumuli in Dr Dale's time. He records
especially those near where the short green cro.ss road turns at
right angles from the Woolstreet Dyke to join the Fulboum
Road. These he says were known as The Loaves.
He noticed the tumuli at Bartlow, but does not .seem to
have made out exactly how many there were : as he records in
one place three large and four small, and in another four large
and three small. There were really four large and four small,
but one of the large ones is not conspicuous being .somewhat
hidden among the trees on the other side of the stream. The
four small ones have been almost quite effaced I have else-
where published notes on the Bartlow Hills^
Cambridge.
The first iter is dated 1722 : but this was not Dr Dale's first
visit to Cambridge, for we read (Apr. 24. 1730) that he had .seen
the library of St Catharine's College in 1706. St Catharine's
College had and .still has property at Brain»ree in which
Dr Dale was interested probably as trustee. On one riccasion
^ See Kept, joint meeting of Essex Archaeol. and Carabs. Antiq. Societies.
May 24. Cambridge Chronicle, May 31 and Jane 7, 18«9: and "Marathon,
with a Comparison of the Soros and the Bartlow Hills,'* Thf Clauical Rrvuw,
XV, cxxx.
108
PROFESSOR HUGHES
he was asking for the consideration of the Master and Fellows in
respect of a barn which had been blown down, and Mr Hubbard
the Bursar told him " that he had mentioned the case to the
Master and Fellows at the audit last winter, but they came then
to no conclusion about it but he will at next audit mention it
againe." Poor Dr Dale seems to have met with no more success
in respect of the barn next year, but obtained the consent of
the new Bursar, Mr Prescot, to have the rent paid to Mr Mungay
as formerly.
He seems to have had some money to collect in other
places also for the " Poors Charity " and sometimes to have
met Avith similar ill-success. On one occasion he called at
Heydon, but found that Sir Peter Soalms had been gone to the
Bath 10 weeks, that he had received Dr Dale's letter and had
ordered Mr Lane, his steward, to pay the money directly, who
being out of money promised to pay it to Mr Fuller of Walden
by the end of the month.
Sir Peter's house, he tells us, is of brick like that at Broad
field (elsewhere spelled Bardfield) and in front of the house
there is a black man kneeling, bearing an octangular dial.
In his notes on his 11th journey 1738 he tells us that the
cause between Dr Bentley and some fellows of Trinity College
had been decided not long before in the Court of King's Bench
whereby the judgment passed by the Bishop of Ely was set
aside, the Court declaring that he was not visitor of that College.
He informs us of this fact immediately after mentioning the
funeral of the Bishop.
He went round the Colleges. He gives the inscription on
two monuments in Trinity which he says are earlier than any
mentioned by Le Neve, viz., Beaumont 1565 and L3^fe 1569.
On his first trip (June 28, 1722) he noticed the preparations
for the addition to the Schools, and on his second visit he
notices that some progress had been made. He describes the
new Theater (i.e. the Senate House), mentioning the proposal
to erect a third building answerable to the first (that is another
building like the Senate House) running out from the south-
east corner of the facade of the University Library, a proposal
which has been recently renewed.
DR dale's visits TO CAMBRIDGE, 1722-1738
109
The Woodwardian Museum.
On Friday, May 31, 1730, he gained admittance to the
University Library through the good offices of Mr Hough, and
records that the Woodwardian Museum was housed in a separate
room at the end of the south gallery. This, being only two
years after the death of Dr Woodward, is interesting as showing
that a portion of what are now the University Library buildings
had been assigned to it from the very first.
He tells us that there were three galleries, in one of which
were Dr Woodward's cabinets of fossils, left to the University
under the provisions of his will dated 1727, and probably
acquired on his death in the following year. Dr Dale mentions
four cabinets, there are now six. The fifth was probably pur-
chased for the accommodation of the additions made by some of
Dr Woodward's earl}^ successors, the sixth, which I was fortunate
enough to acquire, is employed for the safe keeping of the MSS.
and early printed works referring to the collections.
These four cabinets seen by Dr Dale, two years after the
death of Dr Woodward, formed the nucleus of the Woodwardian
Museum and there occupied a separate apartment at the end of
the South gallery.
On this occasion he mentions Mr Mason the Under Librarian,
who seems to have had the Woodwardian cabinets under his
charge, at any rate to have taken especial interest in them ;
and who afterwards, when Dr Middleton vacated the chair by
marriage, became Woodwardian Professor. Dr Dale examined
the Crag fossils and compared them with the descriptions given
in his History of Harwich and tho.^e by Dr Woodward in his
" Attempt, &c."
We have another note respecting the Woodwardian Museum,
for he records under date of July 19, 1736, "this day break-
fasted with Mr Charles Mason at his Chamber, as did likewise
Dr. Walker, after- which Mr. Mason [who was now Woodwardian
Professor,] went with me to the University Library to see his
room at the Schools in which are deposited Dr Woodward's
cabinets of fossils, at the end of the Master of Arts School being
formerly the stair-case to y"" old Convocation House, and is
no PEOFESSOR HUGHES j
a very neat wainscoated Appartment." He adds this note :
" Mr. Mason is now reducing the various catalogues in Dr Wood-
wards ' Attempt ' into 2 viz., English and Foreign, and will so
arrange the fossils in the Cabinets." Such rearrangement was
unfortunately carried out more than once, so that Dr Woodward's
published catalogues no longer indicate the position and arrange-
ment of the specimens in his collection.
Botany.
Botany seems to have been a popular study among the
residents. The connection between botany and medicine was
then much closer, as simples formed a large part of the pharma-
copoeia of the day. It would appear that Dr Dale regarded the
subject very much from that point of view, because so many of
the plants he mentions were used in medicine. His friends gave
him roots and seeds, and helped him to find others. He some-
times only gives a long Latin description, while sometimes he
adopts a trinomial or binomial nomenclature Catesby sent
him specimens from Carolina.
Among his Cambridge friends were Martin^ of Emmanuel,
who had then published four decades of his work, and talked of
a fifth. There were Brewer and Dillen, who made a fine
collection together in their perambulation of the Western
counties and Wales ; and Halfhide, and Foulkes, and Benwell.
It is interesting to read (June 4, 1737) "after supper I went
with Dr. Walker by invitation to Mr. Masons chamber where
one Mr. Jackson mention'd that Mr. Martyn had shewn him a
New Methodus Plantarum by a German named Lineus which
much differ 'd from that (tf Mr. Ray."
Many of his friends appear to have devoted their leisure to
the cultivation of flowers. Dr Walker, the Vice-Master of
Trinity, for instance, was an authority on tulips. Mr Glover
was another who had a fancy for gardening. He also cultivated
tulips, the best of which however seem to have been given to
him by Dr Walker. Dr Dale paid him a visit in 1733 and
again in 1734 and 1735 at Chesterton, where he says Mr Glover
^ Query : John Martyn ?
DR dale's visits TO CAMBRIDGE, 1722-1738 111
had " built him a pretty house, and a large malting with a great
garden. ' To this next year he had added a large dove-house,
and besides had altered his garden, and at the end next the field
was making a Ha-Ha.
When Dr Walker gave the Old Botanic Garden to the
University, Mr Thomas Martyn, then Titular Professor of
Botany, was appointed the first Reader and Mr Charles Miller
the first Curator.
It is mentioned that Dr Martyn laboured much to bring
this science into repute, read public lectures for several years,
and perambulated the country with his scholars, showing them
the Cambridgeshire plants w^here Mr Ray had described them to
grow.
Various considerations put the Vice-Master of Trinity upon
finding a proper situation for a Botanic Garden, and he at last
pitched upon and purchased the Mansion House in Free School
Lane, formerly part of an old monastery with near five acres of
garden about it, well walled round, quite open to the south,
conveniently sheltered by the Town on the other quarters, with
an ancient water-course through the midst of it. I dwell upon
these facts, not only because the residents whom Dr Dale
frequently mentions had so much to do with the events con-
nected with them, but also because the story of the founding of
the old Physic or Botanic Garden throws much light upon the
account which I recently had the honour of communicating to
the Society, respecting the condition of the area in question
as shown by recent excavations in the King's Ditch \
With all this interest in the subject it is curious that there
was not in Dr Dale's time any Botanic Garden at Cambridge.
Gerarde, the chief of English Herbalists (1545-1612), who for
20 years superintended the garden of Lord Burleigh, Secretary
of State to Queen Elizabeth, and himself had a large physic
garden in Holborn, wrote to Lord Burleigh recommending that
a physic garden should be established at Cambridge to encourage
the faculty of simpling, but it was not until nearly two cc^nturies
after that, and a quarter of a century after Dr Dale's last recorded
1 Proc. Gamb. Ant. Soc, Vol. xix. (Nov, 1914), p. 1(5.
112
PROFESSOR HUGHES
visit, that Dr Walker founded the Cambridge Physic Garder ,
(1762)^
Dinners.
He several times mentions having dined in Hall at Trinit}^
and elsewhere — sometimes on Feast nights. We may gatheii
that dinner was early, as he went to chapel after dinner and a1 1
night supped in Hall. Another time he started after dinnei j
for a ride through the fens in search of botanical specimens or !
his way home by Ely, which was his first stop.
His account of the dinner is unfortunately very short, as wt
should like to hear more about the proceedings and how th^j.
Fellows spent their evenings on ordinary and on Feast nights
On one occasion he just mentions that the entertainment was-
very great, consisting of about twenty dishes to the two courses !
On another occasion we read that " the entertainment wa.' ;
large, as was also the company, and sat so long that it was afte] j
three" (i.e. in the afternoon) "before we rose, so there was net
going to St. Mary's that afternoon, and after dinner we wenif
into the Combination House." Elsewhere he says " that aftei ;
dinner divers of the company adjourned to Combination House*
to smoak." '
In the time of Queen Anne the bill of fare often consisted in i
the month of April of the following :
First Course. Green geese or veal and bacon, — haunch oi
venison — roasted,— a lumber pie, — rabbits and tarts.
Second Course. Cold lamb, — cold neat's tongue ^ pie, — <
salmon, — lobsters, and pawns, — asparagus. Other dishes are |
mentioned as given in other months-^
The bill of fare in Trinity when Dr Dale dined there on
June 5, 1737. was:
First Course. Carpe, Surline of Beef, Ham, Chickens, Neat
Tongues and Udders.
1 A short Account of the late Donation of a Botanic Garden to the Universityt
of Cambridge by the Rev. Dr Walker, Vice Master of Trinity College ; with
Rules and Orders for the government of it. Printed by J. Bentham, Printer to
the Uuiversity 1763.
2 The steer, the heifer and the calf are all called neat. — Shakespeare.
2 Host and Guest, by A. V. Kirwan, p. 36.
DR dale's visits TO CAMBRIDGE, 1722-1738 113
Second Course. Green-Geese, Ducklins, Lobsters, Tarts,
Custards and Chesekeks, Gellys, Strawberrys and Cherrys.
All the dishes of one course were put on the table together,
the principal dishes being placed at the head and foot of the
table, and also on either side of some ornament in the middle.
Soups of different kinds were often placed here at the com-
mencement of the First Course, but before the whole course
was changed were " removed " with a turkey and truffles, or
with sirloin of beef or haunch of venison — hence these were
called " Removes." All along either side of the table were the
" side dishes." In this way there was a great variety of dishes
in each course, while the number of courses was small — ;just the
reverse of our present custom.
In 1737 he says the entertainment was very grand at the
Vice-Master's table — two courses each five dishes. On this
occasion however we read that he likewise supped in Hall.
Down to much later times it was usual to have supper at
; midnight after one of these early dinners.
For instance, in 1804 liOrd Campbell wrote to his father giving
an account of the festivities on the occasion of his friend Grisedale
getting a Fellow^ship at Christ's. He describes how he rode
down first along the route made famous by John Gilpin. On
' his arrival he was received with great cordiality and sat down
to dinner at three. " Then there followed such a drinking bout
as I never saw before. Having dined so early, at midnight we
supped, but of the further proceedings of that evening, my dear
Father, I am unable to narrate anything whatever."
In most cases it was the abstemiousness of e very-day life
that made them unable to stand a few glasses extra upon
occasion.
To go back to the dinner in Hall. A variety of dishes were
-placed on the table for each course, and those w^ho sat opposite
them carved and helped their friends. There is an amusing
illustration of this given by Goldsmith (1728-1774) in his
letters from a Citizen of the World, which shows that the
dishes of one course were all on the table and visible mI. once,
and that the company recommended the dishes lo our auol lu i .
Whether the dish was set before a lady or a gentleman, all
C.A.S. Comm. Vol. XX.
114
PROFESSOR HUGHES
carved whul wa,s placed in front of thorn. For, t/hough we reai
tliat the little beau had helped the widow's phite and paid ever'
attention to her, he does not appear to have offered to carv
for her, and when the second course was called for, and a finn
turkey was placed before the widow, she, pleased with thi
opportunity of showing her skill in carving, an art upon whic
it seemed she piqued herself, began to cut it up by first takin
off the leg. j
Churches and Chapels.
On Sunday, May 20, 1733, after going to the Universit :;
Church he dined in hall at St John's, and went to Trinity
Chapel in the evening, where, as it was Commemoration daj
there was a musical service by which he was much impressecj
There was " an excellent and long symphony on the organ, afte i
the lessons, a consort of musick, the organ being the base t j
5 or 6 violins, and after that an anthem was sung by on '
person." He says that " the throng of people was so great, an« ^
the noise so much that it made the service very confused.)
This seems to have struck him on his later visits also. ;
On Saturday, June 8, 1734, being the eve of Trinity Sunda} '
he says " there was an extraordinary service in the Chappie (
this Colledge, as a Symphony of the Organ and an Antheii
in which a Base Viol was added to the Organ."
On Sunday, May 4, 1735, ,he writes, " In the evening!
I went to Trinity Chappie, where was an Anthem sung b}^
boy & well perform'd to which the Organ & a Bass-viol played, i.
On June 20, 1736, being Trinity Sunday, he went to t\v[
University Sermon, and observed that St Mary's was mucl'
altered, galleries having been built for the undergraduates anc i
Bachelors "who before were not allowed coming into the Pit j
and therefore wandered about. There's also a moveable Pulpi [
set upon formes, the stairs of which reach to allmost the dooj
of the Pitt." The nave was called the Pitt in those days, i
Going afterwards to Trinity he narrates that " the Evening ;
Service at Chappie was very grand the Symphony before the,
Lessons and after had 6 violins joined with the Organ. The
Anthem taken out of the 118 Psalm was sung by one man onl}
DR dale's visits TO CAMBRIDGE, 1722-1788 115
Choir joyned in the Chorus but the Concourse of people was
so ver}^ great and the noise so much that little of the service
could be heard."
^ June 5, 1737, " Att night I went to the Chappie, where
insted of the Symphony by the Organ only there was 5 or
6 violins as there was likewise before the prayers for the K. &c
which last was followed by an Anthem by one man but the
chappie was so crouded & the noise thereby so great that little
of the service could be heard."
He seems always to have gone to " chappie " on Sunday
evening and often on Saturday, and generally tells us the same
story of orchestral music and the great noise arising from the
crowd of persons present.
On Sunday, May 28, 1738, he says, '' This evening I was at
Trinity CoUedge Chappie where there was so great a crowd that
nothing could be heard of the whole service, I could see the
Readers lips go, but, not so much as heare the least sound of his
voice, and when Dr Walker read the 2d Leason could I only
heare the sound of his voice but not to distinguish one word.
There was great difference in the Musick part from what used
to be for the symphony was first by the Organ, and then by
6 violins in 3 parts to all which the Organ was the base. After
the reading the first and 2nd Lessons, 3 men sang the [blank]
to which the Choire was the Corns. Before the Prayer for the
King there was another Symphony by the Organ, & Violins,
and the Anthem was Sung by one man, to which the choir was
' likewise the chorus ^"
With reference to the noise in chapel, each time he mi'rely
states the fact without comment ; but in his use of the word
thereby we feel that he did not attribute the noise to disorderly
or irreverent conduct, but only to the usual and necessar}^ buzz
which arises from a large concourse of overcrowded people. It
1 The Editor is indebted to Dr Alan Gray f£)r the information that James
I Kent was organist of Trinity from June 25, IT.'il, until January i:^, 17:i7, when
[ he was succeeded by a Mr Jones. Kent composed antlienis which were formerly
popular but are now regarded as of little worth. However, if his compositions
were poor, it appears from Dr Dale's testimony that at all events his adnunis-
tration of the music in chapel was ambitious, and probably successful.
116
PROFESSOR HUGHES
arose in fact chio^Hy from the shuffling of feet, for many were!
probably standing in the antechapel, and from the rustling of!
silk gowns and dresses. Again, when the organ was smaller,i]
not dividing the space so completely as it does at present, the •
echo in so long a chapel may have exaggerated adventitious-
noises and confused the sound of a voice. I have myself heard i
the sound of two organs die away and finally become entirely
lost in the buzz of a great moving crowd, as I walked down I
from the choir to the door in St Peter's in Rome on the ,
occasion of a Beatification.
Libraries. j
He paid several visits to the University Library and describes ).
what he saw and heard there. \
For instance, there is mention of books that could not be i
found there, as the English Version of the Bible in 1537, and j
of others which were supposed to have once been there which
were missing, as " Merian on Insects." ;
" At St. John's," he says, " Dr Newcomb shewed me a folio
Bible in Vellum finely illuminated impr. 1539 which was 2 years
after mine."
He tells us also of works in progress, of which the parts >
completed may still be lying in College libraries, perhaps with y
no indication of author or date, as Mr Bell's intended Book of
the Roman Emperors, about which he enquired of Dr Walker
(p. 123), who told him that it would be published, but that
Mr Bell's " father dying and leaving him an estate hath retarded
it for the present." Of Mr Parne's (or Perne's) History of
Trinity College, Mr Mason said to Dr Dale that he believed he
had not proceeded any further than the History of the Founda-
tion.
On June 6, 1737, he " went to see Mr Wilson who dwells
over the Greate Gatehouse [of Trinity], he shewed me the
observatory, in which is a clock that goeth one month. It was
the present of Sir Isaac Newton to the University. They
correct it by the Sun and have in that room divers large
tellescops and other Mathematical Instruments, together with
DR dale's visits TO CAMBRIDGE, 1722-1738 117
a double barrelled Pnemnatick machine^ in that room and that
under it, and above all in the Cupulo is a large Sextile fixt,
with two Tellescopes."
Where are all those instruments now ?
He says he went to see Mr Davis of Queens', whose chamber
: is supposed to be under that which was Erasmus'. He always
■ speaks of going to a man's " chamber," not to his " rooms." In
^Mr Davis's rooms on May 2, 1735, he saw " Hawksby's Pneu-
matick Engin " mentioned in the Transactions.
One would like to know^ who used the north wing of the
'Schools as " a Conversation House " ; or is that a slip for
Convocation? (May 17, 1733.)
He notes (1734) that "the Kings books are now most of
them set up in the classes made for them, in that which was the
^Convocation house and Greek school, where they are to remain
{until the new library is built for them, which will not be sud-
tdenly." In this forecast he was not far wrong, for more than a
iiundred years elapsed before Cockerell's building was finished.
In the middle of the same gallery with Dr Woodward's
collection he saw, May 31, 1730, a curious cabinet of American
cedar, on the front of which, on the middle drawer, was a
brass plate on which was engraved in large letters Bibliotheca
Orteutalis. This was the cabinet containing the Collection of
■.he Yen. George Lewis, Archdeacon of Meath. In an old
engraving it is shown standing at the west end of the Dome
Room where now is the door of the Librarian's room l It is
^till in the Library, but in another room.
The upper part, Dr Dale says, "consists of Shelves full of
Books of the Oriental languages, some finely illuminated and
.he Alphabets of divers of them." He evidently refers to what
s described by Browne as " The Lewis Scrap Book^" i.e. :
" A large vohnne of about 110 leaves, measuring 36'8 x 25*4 c.
)n or between which are affixed and inserted a numb'M" of hitters,
' Query, Air-puinp ?
- See Sayle, Camb. Review, May 29, 19i:5, p. 48i>.
' ' A Catalogue of the Persian Manuscripts in the Library of the University
f Cambridge, by Edward G. Browne, M.A., M. H., Univ. Tress, 18«)(i, p. 285.
^o. cxcv. Add. 251.
I'
118 I'ROFESSOR HUGHES
fragmenta of" MSS. specimens of different characters and hand-
writings, and the like. The greater part of this collection
consists of letters (etc.) in the Persian language, addressed
to Mr Lewis by various correspondents. The specimens of
calligraphy, in Arabic, Persian, and Turkish, represent almost
every variety of handwriting used by the Muhammadans....
Some few of them are signed and dated," and some are " by
celebrated calligraphists^"
Dr Dale does not give any list or description of these MSS.,
but doubtless had the opportunity of seeing the printed list
" Catalogus Librorum Orient., MSS. Nummorum, aliorumque
Cimeliorum, quibus Academiae Cantabr. Bibliothecam locuple-
tavit Reverendus Vir Georgius Lewis, Archidiaconus Midensis
1727."
Other objects seen in the cabinet by Dr Dale were "several
sorts of Oriental money both in Silver and Gold, as likewise
some of their brass weights." " 2 boxes of Cards, one of which
is on Boards finely painted containing 48 cards or 4 sets and
the other 96 or 8 sets on Tortois shell : each set contains
12 cards 10 of which are so many numbs the other two a Man
on Horsback and the King on the throne : these are distin-
guished by marks as suns, moons, swords, helmets, fruits, folks,
Billets &c." Also a number of shells, of which he gives the
probable names. " There was likewise in that cabinet a book
of writing on Palm leaves, cut with a graver, it resembled a
file the leaves being strung upon a sort of cord. Also a porous
fossil body called petrified wood to me it seem a sort of Coraline
Body, very much like the Tubularia purpurea Imp. 631 but
not in colour."
None of the shells are now to be found, and the book of
waiting upon palm leaves strung together upon a sort of cord
cannot now be identified, though it has probably been placed
with other similar books in the Library. There is a piece
of petrified wood, but there is also a piece (rf the Tubularia
1 A Hand list of the Muhammadan Manuscripts including all those written
in the Arabic character preserved in the Library of the University of Cambridge,
by Edward G. Browne, M.A., M.B., Univ. Press, 1900, p. 323. No. 1447.
Add. 254.
DR dale's visits TO CAMBRIDGE, 1722-1738
119
purpurea of Toufert 631, and there is a great difference between
tthem in structure as well as in colour, so that it is difficult to
understand Dr Dale's remarks upon this specimen.
He was much interested in the natural and artificial objects
preserved in the lower part of the cabinet; for instance, the
Chinese idol and the chariot, whereby it can be drawn out for
jhe better seeing it, which forms part of the cabinet, the bottom
)f which rolls out on wheels. The stand on which the idol was
ilaced occupies the front portion, and the slab with the four
, Inscriptions (two on the front and two on the back in two dead
jind two living languages) was fixed in behind the idol; the slab
'^till remains. Nine brass weights of an octohedral form are
till preserved in one of the divisions of the long drawer on
vhich the name was engraved, but none of the coins remain :
:.hey were probably transferred some years ago to the Fitz-
villiam Museum. A MS., which is probably that which he
efers to as an Indian proclamation, fits exactly into the central
•ompartment ; but the other writings have been removed. Only
»ne box of cards can now be found : there are 96 on board and
»nly 16 on tortoiseshell. Perhaps Dr Dale reversed the
mmbers by mistake, but still that would leave 32 of the
ortoiseshell cards to be accounted for. A number of objects
rom the cabinet were transferred in 1887 to the Museum of
Irchaeology : a list of these" is kept in the cabinet.
These notes of Dr Dale's will often suggest interesting lines
'f enquiry into the history of Cambridge and East Anglia, by
lis simple record of what he saw and heard here some two
enturies ago, and they often refer to objects now removed or
estroyed. They may prove useful to some of those who have
harge of our objects of historic interest, and enable them
ometimes to trace and perhaps recovei' things which have Ikhmi
•lienated or lost.
' The records of the past may be tangible object as well as
' ritten or spoken words, and the association b(>tw(HMi thcvse may
Iren be such that it would be unwise to ])art thiMU. The
.rowded state of our libraries necessitates some wcH'ding out
•om time to time, and discretion must be l(^ft io sonu>l)o(Iy to
my this out; but I regret the tendency to turn out ''t our
120
II. H. BR1NDLF.Y
libraries everything that is not written — things found within
the walls or on the property of the College, or things which the
learned students of old gathered to illustrate the various intel-
lectual activities of their time.
" You cannot buy back with gold old associations," but by a
stroke of the pen you may scatter them to the winds and lose
the charm and teaching of association with time and place and
person.
[Owing to ill-health, Prof. Hughes was unable to prepare
this paper for the press : it was therefore edited and re-arranged
by the Secretary of the Society, with occasional assistance from
the Author.]
The Ship of the Seal of Paris.
By H. H. Brindley, M.A.
Read May 29, 1916.
The seals of the City of Paris form a series which commences
in the first decade of the thirteenth century and continues to our
own time. The series is a large one, for the design was changed %n
many times, perhaps more often than in the case of any other
great town, and, as all have the ship, we find in the seals of t tit
Paris a record of the outstanding changes in hull and rigging
which occurred during the six centuries covered by the seals.
The series is therefore of interest not only to the amateur
of seals, but also to the nautical archaeologist, for they have
their use in the study of the various other representations of
ships by which he endeavours to trace the evolution of sailing
craft through the ages before there were treatises on seaman-
ship. Besides carvings of various kinds, miniatures, and
painted glass his only material is the inventories which have
come down to us. One kind of record is a most important
check upon the other. It has to be borne in mind that the
artist of the Middle Ages was as often as not very ignorant
of ship design and of how a ship was handled. Thus he very
frequently represented details impossible in a real ship or repre-
sented imperfectly what was possible. Most useful though the
♦
THE SHIP OF THE SEAL OF PARIS
121
inventories are, it is a difficulty that they by no means seldom
ilisagree with the pictorial or other representations, while the
atter often contain details absent from the inventories. After
jhe close of the sixteenth century the task of endeavouring to
iirrive at the truth is easier, for we begin to have treatises and
5ommentaries, and pictures become numerous. Nevertheless,
is late as the commencement of the nineteenth century there
ure found many points on which a considerable bulk of evidence
jiust be sifted before even an approximate conclusion can be
reached.
In the preparation of these notes I am under great obliga-
dons to my friend M. Auguste Coulon of Les Archives Nationales
in whose special care is the magnificent collection of seals pre-
fi^erved in the historic building of the Rue des Francs-Bourgeois.
L have to thank him for facilities in examining the national
' eries and for much kind information on the inscriptions and
listory of the Paris seals. I am also indebted to M. Charles
^^anglois, Directeur des Archives, for very kindly giving to me
-en casts which have enabled me to make the photographs
llustrating these notes a complete representation of all the
mown seals of Paris bearing the ship from A.D. 1200 to 1789.
Before turning to the ship of Paris as represented on the
^ity seals it is of interest to touch upon the several views which
, lave been advanced as to how a ship came to be the emblem of
?aris, both on the seal and as the charge on the shield-of-arms.
This subject has been fully discussed by le Comte A. de
voetlogon in his Armoires de la Ville de Paris, 2 vols., Paris,
\874-5, one of the official series Histoire Gmerale de Paris :
Collection des Documents. Taking the theories in their chrono-
jgical order they are briefly —
(1) The theory of Gilles Corrozet, 1550. Philippe- Auguste
Tanted the ship as an emblem in 1190, at the same time that
le created municipal officers. La nef symbolised abundance
nd also a well ordered city or state. De Coetlogon I'eji^cts this
heory in the lack of any documentary evidence to support it.
(2) The "He theory" of Andre Fnvyu, set forth in Theatre
'lionnenr et de cheualerie. 1()20. He wn)t(> : " (Vste islo (pio
net la Seine, la quelle en son assiette represente la forme d'un
122
II. If. imiNDLEY
navire, estant large en f'ac/on de pouppe, ou est bastie I'liiglisei
Cathetirale, son Cloistre, I'Evesche avec I'Hostel-Dieu : et lai
Proue, la pointe d'icelle ou est le bout du Jardin du Palais, I
joinct a present au Pont-Neuf et remply des niaisons ; I'enclos
de la Cite representant naifveinent la forme d'un navire," etc.
This is the best known of the several theories, for it has
received the support of many subsequent writers of distinction,!
among whom are Pierre Paillot, the antiquary Henri Sauval,
Claude Francois Menestrier, and Victor Hugo, in whose won-
derful " Paris a vol d'oiseau " in Notre-Danie de Paris the
theory is set forth in words which almost persuade us no other i
theory than this can be held. At the present day it has distin-
guished support at the hand of M. Georges Cain, Conservateur
du Musee Carnavalet. Nevertheless the claims of the He theory
are to be summed up in its picturesqueness ; real evidence of an
historical nature is wanting altogether in support of this most
attractive of all the theories.
M. Auguste Coulon has called my attention to the island of
Aesculapius in the Tiber which was converted by the Romans
into the semblance of a ship in masonry as offering a curious
parallel to the He theory. The island has been fully described I
by M. Maurice Besmer in Lile Tiberine dans V antiquiU, chap. II.
Le vaisseau d'Esculape. (" Bibliotheque des Ecoles fran9aises
d'Athenes et de Rome," fasc. 87 ; Paris, 1902.)
(3) The view of Theodorus Hopingus (1546-1642) is that
" le navire etait I'embleme adopte par les anciens Francs et
Gaulois " as for instance to distinguish their coinage, standards,
etc. De Coetlogon dismisses this theory by reason of the
absence of historical support.
(4) Jean Tristan de St. Amand in Gommentaires historiqiies,
1644, was among the first to support the theory that la nef is
that of Isis, and this emblem came to the people of the Seine
from Greek and Egyptian traders. This theory is dismissed by
de Coetlogon, like the preceding one, on the grounds of its
want of historical support and also as it seems inherently
improbable.
(5) De Coetlogon considers at length the only view which
he regards as having good claims to adoption. La nef is that
THE SHIP OF THE SEAL OF PARIS
123
f Les ]\Iarc hands de I'Eau, who may be looked upon as the
ineal descendants of the ancient Nautae Parisiaci. Of the
fttter the only surviving record is the altar dedicated by them
o Jupiter, which was discovered under the choir of Notre-Dame
ri 1710, and is now in the Musee Cluny. It bears TIb[erio]
t'AESARE AVGVSTO lOVIOPTVMO MAXSVMO NAVTAE PARISIACI
•VBLICE POSIERVNT. The Nautae Parisiaci were no doubt a
irivileged corporation similar to those known to have existed on
he Sadne and Rhone in the reign of Tiberius.
In the Middle Ages the most important of the Paris Guilds
/as that of Les Marchands de I'Eau, and the conduct of muni-
jipal affairs was mainly in their hands. Thus their seal was
r.sed as the City seal, and La Prevote des Marchands which
;xisted from the fourteenth century to the close of the eighteenth
ras originally that of Les Marchands de I'Eau. This guild was
suppressed in 1672. The emblem of Les Marchands de I'Eau
^as appropriately a nef: it occurs on their earliest seal and
7as repeated in altered form on its successors, and then on the
ieals of the Prevote des Marchands before and after the guild
f Marchands de I'Eau had ceased to exist. It is thus a curiosity
f history that the City of Paris has never had a seal of its own
Q the strict sense, and the iief charged on its shield-of-arms
o-day records the ancient power and importance of the
llarchands de I'Eau.
In the following notes the enumeration of the seals is my
iwn, and purely for convenience : it is therefore pit) visional
jnly. There is, however, I believe no record extant of any
thers which were used as the City Seal. In the copies of the
3gends small letters within bi'ackets indicate those omitted by
he designers and capital letters within brackets those which
ave disappeared by chipping or other injury from the existing
npressions. . The two dots separating the words are not neces-
xrily in the original. " A. N." indicates the collection at Les
uchives Nationales. The dates ascribed to the seals are
( cessarily in most cases those of the documents to which they
re attached, as actual records of the luaking of new seals are
are : thus in most cases the s^'^ils are earlier tlmn tlie year
iven. Nearly all the seids of Paris are described by Douet
124^ H. H. HRINDLEY
D'Arcq in Collection des Sceaux, 3 vols., Paris, 1863-8, whicl'
standard work includes all the French and foreign impression!
and casts at Les Archives up to 1868; and a few are describee
in G. Denay's Imentaire des Sceaua; de Clairarnbault (part oi
the collection preserved at the Bibliotheque Nationale). Foi*
the diameters of the impressions I am indebted to M. Coulon.
Seal I. a.d. 1200. 45 mm. (A.N. no. 5582.) The im^
pression in yellow wax at Les Archives is appended to a deed
relating to the sale of salt between the Marchands de I'Eau oij
Paris and those of Rouen. The exact year of this document is'
in doubt, but probably it was executed between 1198 and 1203.
The legend is
SIGIL(LVM:ME)RCATORVM:AQVE:PARISIVS
The seal is a good example of the simple and precise style of
the earlier part of the thirteenth century. In addition to
other kind help with mediaeval French words quoted in this
paper I am indebted to Dr H. F. Stewart, Dean of St John's
College, for an explanation of " Parisius." The word represents
the popular late Latin pronunciation of " Parisios," and occurs
not only in inscriptions but in manuscripts of the eleventh I
century. It stands for " ad Parisios " = " among the Parisians,"
i.e., " at Paris." The ship is like those on many other seals, and
those in glass and in miniatures of the age. The "double-
ended " clincher-built hull with sharply rising bow and stern i
and the conspicuous bolts of the planking are familiar features.
The planking itself will be discussed later. The form of the >
hull is comparatively straight, the crescent shape of the two
succeeding centuries has to come. We still see a hull on much
the same lines as those of the Bayeux Tapestry. The general
features of the eleventh to the thirteenth century hull need not
be discussed here ; I have dealt with them at some length in
" Ships in the Cambridge ' Life of the Confessor ' " {Camb. Ant
Soc. Communications, xviii, 1914, pp. 67-75). The "mike" or
crutch on the bow and stern pieces is a fitting of the century.
The mast is treated very simply. It is furnished with sym-
metrical stays which no doubt represent the shrouds of both sides.
There is no top or " crow's-nest." This fitting is perhaps more
THE SHIP OF THE SEAL OF PARIS
125
jominon in thirteenth century seals than in other representations
i)f the time. Thus we see it in the seals of Dover (1305),
Favershani (2nd seal), Folkestone, Lydd, Sandwich, Southampton
!2nd Town Seal and Provostry Seals), and Yarmouth (Norfolk),
it is usually small, is always embattled, and on the fore
^ide of the mast. This " fighting-top " seems however to have
enlarged quite early, for in the thirteenth century seal of
Ounwich (which perhaps dates from the preceding century)
md in the seal of Santander (1228) we see it, still embattled,
oauch more roomy and carried all round the mast.
The mast of the 1200 seal of Paris bears a small square
ornament and immediately above this is the cross which so
commonly separates SIGILLVM or an abbreviation therefor from
|,he last word of the inscription in thirteenth and fourteenth cen-
' iiry seals. Here, as commonly, the cross is placed in the centre
' >f the upper portion of the border ; and in looking through a
ISeries of English, French, Dutch and German seals of the above
;W0 centuries we find that it was not unusual to associate the
TOSS with the mast-head. A cross was then a frequent
mast-head ornament in ships and in seals it is commoner
;han any kind of flag, though occasionally the two occur
lOgether. It is of interest to note how the artist treated
he inscription cross and that on the mast-head in seals bearing
I ship. Not uncommonly he made them one by running the
inast through the inner border of the inscription. But if
ihis was not done we almost always find the mast placed sym-
netrically under the cross, so that the latter has the semblance
i)f surmounting it. The Kiel seal of 1865 is an exception:
[lie mast-head bears a cross which does not reach the border
>f the inscription, and the cross dividing the inscription is not
it the top but inartistically placed somewhat to the right.
n two Netherlands seals, Stavoren in Friesland (1246-98) and
)amme (1309) the ship's mast is not central in the field but
jlaced towards the right and the inscription cross above it is
;hifted so as to come immediately above the mast-h(\a(l, thus
tarrying out the idea of symmetry as respects tli(> slii|> at tlu>
expense of asymmetry in the inscription. The 1200 seal of
^^aris differs from all its successors in the mast carrying no
126
H. H. BRINDLEY
yard, ;in(l in this respect it is also somewhat exceptional amon|
seals of the thirteenth century. As a rule a yard with its saii|||iii*
furled, or, less frecjuently, set, is represented. Contemporar
seals without a yai-d are East Looe, Monmouth, Scarborougl
(reverse), Liibeck (all three thirteenth century seals of thi;
town). Damme (1237), Pamiers (1267, reverse, and 1308, reverse)
Wismar (1256, but in this instance the mast is largely bidder
by a shield) and Melcombe Regis (early fourteenth century). [
•To return to the planking. It will be noticed that the
overlap is so arranged that the upper edges of the planks are
exposed, an arrangement which seems more likely to encourage^
leakage through the seams than the present day practice oi
making each plank overlap the next one below it, in which,,
though the seams are exposed to the upward thrust of the
waves, water will not settle in them by gravity. Is it possible
that the planking is represented correctly in this seal of 1200,
and not reversed in its overlap by an artist's error ? It hasffls
seemed worth while examining a series of mediaeval seals iiii
this respect, and considerable variation has been revealed. Ini ti
the following table " Downwards " indicates the modern overlapf
(lower edges of planks exposed) and "Upwards" the reverse >
^arrangement, while " Outlined " signifies that the engraver left
the overlap uncertain by showing the seams as thin lines in
Downwards
Upwards
Outlined
xii
xiii
xiv
XV
xii
xiii
xiv
XV
xii
xiii
xiv
XV
2
1
2
5
3
7
2
2
1
15
3
3
]
1
2
1
3
2
4
3
2
3
5
1
1
1
1
2
5
4
1
2
Century
Denmark
England &
Ireland
France
Germany
Netherlands
Norway
Spain
THE SHIP OF THE SEAL OF PAKIS
127
relief or, less frequeiifcly, by grooves. In some cases this may
have represented carvel construction, i.e., the planks all flush
with each other, but this arrangement was probably quite rare
in the Middle Ages.
Though the planking with the exposed edges above gives
Ithe fewest examples, they are so scattered in time and geo-
graphicallj* that there is at least a suggestion that they are not
always an artist's error. Of the seals of Paris earlier than the
sixteenth century, the seal of 1200 is, as we have seen, with
''upwards" overlapping, that of April 1358 "outlined," that of
1366 "upwards," that of 1412 "downwards." Unfortunately
Ithe seal of December 1358 is now known only by a sketch,
while the impressions of those of 1406, 1426 and 1472 are too
worn to show^ with certainty how the planking was arranged.
iBut evidence on this subject must not be from seals alone :
carvings in stone and wood may prove valuable evidence. A few
examples are :
doumwards : Brighton, St. Nicholas, font, late twelfth or
thirteenth centurj^; Boston, St. Botolph, misericord, c. 1380.
upwards: Winchester Cathedral, " Tournai " font, late
twelfth century; Wells Cathedral, west front, 1st half of
tehirteenth century; Exeter Cathedral, misericord, thirteenth
century.
outlined: Lincoln Cathedral, carvings on west front, twelfth
century ; Auxerre Cathedral, north portal, late thirteenth cen-
ibury; Paris, Sainte Chapelle, portail de la Loggia, fifteenth
century ; Westminster Abbey, The Confessor's Screen, fifteenth
century ; St. Winnow, Cornwall, late fifteenth century.
; Seal IL a.d. 1358 [avril]. 22 mm. (B.N. Clairambault,
no. 6987.) The impression is in red wax on letters of the great
Provost Etienne Marcel "donnees 18 avril 1358" and it is
klluded to as " Seel de la marchandise de la Ville de Paris."
S(igillum):ME(RCATO)RVM:AQVE(:PARISIVS)
The impression is so imperfect that little can be m;ule out.
bf the ship save that though the seal is a century and a half
tater than the first seal the ship is in the main of the same
design. The mast is carried through the inner border of the
128 H. H. HRINDLEY 1
inscription and so is surmounted by the cross dividing the latter. '
The sail is set. This seal is of somewhat inferior design. '
Seal III. a.d. 1858 [d^cembre]. The broken impression
in red wax from which the sketch in de Coetlogon's Armoires
was made (a copy of which is given in pi. XX), is now lost, but
M. Coulon informs me that there is hope of finding it in the
Bibliotheque Nationale, where de Coetlogon states it was when
he wrote. The impression is attached to letters of 11 dec. 1358
" par Gentien Tristan, prevot des marchands, et par les echevins
de la ville de Paris," and it is alluded to as " le seel de la mar-
chandise de la Ville de Paris." The inscription seems to be
(Sigillum:ME)RC(ATORVM:AQVE:PARISIVS)
In this seal the fleurs-de-lys appear for the first time. In the
first seal of 1358 the hull has less sheer than that of 1200 and I
the planking turns up at the one end remaining in the impres- ' i
sion, presumably the stem, very slightly. In the second seal I
of 1358, if de Coetlogon's sketch is accurate, the want of I
sheer is more emphasised and the hull is basin-like, the stem i
and stern pieces, both carved as a beast's head, have the planking
carried over them. The sail is set.
Seal IV. a.d. 1366. The imperfect impression in red wax
at Les Archives is attached to letters of " 20 avril, 1366, par
Jean Culdoe, prev6t des marchands et par les Echevins," and it
is alluded to therein as " le grand seel de la marchandise."
This is the first seal having a reverse (contre-sceau).
Obverse. 85 mm. (A.N. no. 5583.) Only portions of two
letters, ER, remain of the inscription
(Sigillum:M)ER(CATORVM:AQVE:PARISIVS)
In the cases of this and of the two preceding seals the allu-
sion to the seal in the document to which it is attached omits
de I'eau " after "marchandise," but this is an abbreviation, as
we see from the legend on the seal.
The hull of the ship is much like that of the second
(December) seal of 1358. There is no sheer, and the planking
is carried over the curved bow-timber.
It is uncertain whether the last-named point of construction
The Ship of the Seal of Paris.
THE SHIP OF THE SEAL OF PARIS
129
or the fitting of a heavy bow-timber projecting well forward
of the plank-ends was the commoner practice. The latter
became more frequent as ships increased in size and bow and
stern came to be built up differently. There are early examples
of projecting bow-timbers not entirely covered by the planking,
e.g., the Gokstad and other " Viking ships," but in representa-
tions of ships made in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries the
stem and stern pieces are usually covered by the planking
carried right over them. The early fashion of carving bow and
stei-n pieces as a beast's head was dying out in the XIII and
XIV centuries, but besides the Paris seals of 1358 and 1366
there are a certain number of examples of this ornamenta-
tion, e.g., "The Cambridge 'Life of the Confessor,'" Bodleian
Apocalypse (Auct. D. 4. 17), B.N. Apocalypse (MS. frangais
403), all English work ; seals of Bergen, Dublin, Monmouth and
Llibeck ; glass of Auxerre Cathedral : all of the thirteenth
century.
The planking is fastened with heavy bolts as in the seal of
1200. From the set of the sail there is little doubt that the
ship is passing to the dexter side, and as shown by the gonfalon,
with the wind aft. Thus the mast has an aft rake. This is
an unusual feature in representations of the one masted craft
of the Middle Ages, the mast being almost always stepped verti-
cally. In this seal it is stayed by six ropes, as in the 1200 seal,
which whether intended for shrouds or for running rigging
are in error all shown on one side of the sail. They may be
regarded as conventional treatment of shrouds and ruiming
rigging. There is no mast-head cross within the inner border
of the legend, whether there was one in the latter or not. The
three-tailed gonfalon bears the fleiirs-de-lys, " two and one," a
strikingly beautiful flag. Whether the lilies appeared in the
field also is uncertain.
Reverse. 27 mm. (A. N. no. 5583 his.) This is a very im-
perfect impression. It bears the same legend as ihv obverse, viz. :
(Sigillum:IVIERCATO)RVM:AQVE:PA(RISIVS)
The ship seems to have been, identical witli or niurli re-
sembling that on the obverse : the two foremost of i lu> " stays "
can be seen above the gunwale.
(7. A . S. Comm. Vol, XX. 9
130
II. II. HKINDLKY
Seal V. 25 inm. a.d. 140(j. (A. N. no. 5584.) The impres-
sion bearing tlie above press mark is attached to " lettres en
forme de quittance donn^es 22 mai, 1406, par Charles Culdoo,
secretaire dii roi nostre sire, prevot des marchands," etc., and
" le scean est appele dans cet acte 'seel de la Prevoste des
Marchands de la Ville de Paris' " (de Coetlogon, op. cit. I. p. 61).
A copy of this impression is the right-hand photograph of the
two at the bottom of pi. XX. It will be seen that the legend
has disappeared, which is noted by de Coetlogon. Anothei-
impression with the legend intact is now preserved at Les
Archives. . It is not attached to any document, but M. Coulon
and his colleagues are satisfied that it was made from the
same matrix as that known to de Coetlogon. A photograph of
this impression is on the left hand at the bottom of pi. XX.
A comparison of the details of the ship in the two impressions
confirms this belief The legend, the earliest in French, is
(CON)TRES(cel:)DE:LA:MARCHANDISE:DE:LEAVE:DE:PARIS
So, as M. Coulon writes to me, " II semble qu'on ait, en 1406,
employe le contre-sceau comme sceau."
Both the impressions known to us are too imperfect to
show more than the main features of the ship, but enough
can be made out to indicate that the progress of actual ship
design influenced the artist. Though the gunwale is straight
for most of its run there is at either end a suggestion of
sheer which is quite absent in the seal of 1366, for the hull
rises sharply to support the fore and after stages, which now
appear for the first time in the ship of Paris. As with the
retention of the carved beast's head at bow and stern and con-
sequently the double-ended type of hull as late as 1366, the seal
is old fashioned— in a sense a prototype of late Victorian penny
pieces with the sailing man-of-war. In several English seals of
the thirteenth century we see the fore and after stages perched
on the sharply uprising bow and stern quite similarly to those
of the 1406 seal of Paris, e.g., Dublin, Faversham, Ipswich,
Kingston-upon-Hull, Poole, and Portsmouth. They are not yet
built into the hull, but may well be taken as examples of the
temporary stages of the thirteenth century, fitted only when the
THE SHIP OF THE SEAL OF PARIS
131
ship was on war service. In the present instance the fore stage
is much higher than the after stage ; usually they are represented
on the same level, but in the seals of Amsterdam (1418), Danzig
(1400), one of the two seals of Edward Earl of Rutland (Admiral
of England, 1391) and Richard Cletherowe (Admiral of the West,
1406) the fore stage is higher. The mast rakes aft slightly and
is stayed by six shrouds, the three to starboard being placed
forward of the mast and the three to port aft of it. The mast-
head bears a cross, but whether a second cross or other ornament
divides the legend above the impressions are too worn to show.
The sail is set and the ship is passing to the dexter side.
In this place reference must be made to the seal figured in
the Dissertation sur Vorigine de VHotel de Ville, which is em-
bodied in tome i of Felibien and Lobineau's Histoire de Paris
(1725). The Dissertation is by Le Roy, then Controleur des
rentes de I'Hotel de Ville, who ascribes the seal to 1393, the
date of one of the documents to which he found an impression
attached. De Coetlogon {loc. cit. i. p. 61) states that he has
never seen impressions of this seal, and his woodcut is a cop}^
of Le Roy's figure of the sceaiL and contre-sceau {Histoire, I.
p. xxviii. pi. II). The latter says, " Nous avons fait dessiner ce
sceau correctement, aussi que le contre-scel, d'apres les em-
preintes que se voyent encore a quelques anciens actes du
Parloir aux Bourgeois, conserves dans les Archives de I'Hotel
de Ville." Most probably these impressions were destroyed at
the burning of the Hotel de Ville during the Commune of 1871.
In any case there are at the present time no direct means of
ascertaining whether Le Roy's illustration of the seal he ascribes
to 1393 is accurate, but I think we have considerable grounds
for belief that he or his artist (planche II bears P//. Simoiineau
fits del. et sculp.) made a picture of what he thouglit tlie seal
ought to be rather than a copy of the impression before him.
His text makes it clear that he was mucli more iut(M-esl(Ml in
the seals of Paris as historical material than as works of art,
and he is quite vague in his references to " raucien sceau " from
! the reign of Charles VI (1380-1422) back to rhilippc-AngusU^ :
I nothing is said to indicate that there were at least four successive
designs during this })eri()d of nearly two centuries. Neither is
9—2
132
ir. II. I511INDLEY
ho at all clear as to whether the impressions he sketched were {
attached to more than one document of the year 1393 ; he states '
only that one was so dated. But the most weighty indications :
that Le Roy has given us a very inaccurate representation o :
the seal he has chosen as " I'ancien sceau " are in the desigr :
itself. From these it seems very probable that he " restored ' j
an imperfect impression of the seal ascribed to A.D. 1406 intr j
something very unlike reality. In the seal of 1406 and , in 1
Le Roy's figure the legend is in French for the first time, and ,
save for the omission of cohtre or an abbreviation therefor on
the reverse of Le Roy's 1393 seal, the legends of the two are ^
identical. In both the field is seme with fleurs-de-lys. So much '
for resemblances. Passing to the ship, we find as great a
difference as may be, for Le Roy gives us a three-masted vessel
in both obverse and reverse, while the 1406 ship is one-masted,
like her authenticated predecessors. Now one of the out-
standing puzzles of the nautical archaeologist is as to when and
by what stages three masts replaced one mast in northern
waters, and how far this great change was due to Mediterranean
influences. This vexed question cannot be discussed here, but
it may be said without uncertainty that such a ship as Le Roy
gives us is unlikely to have been at all common in northern
waters at the close of the fourteenth century, though we know
that Venetian and Genoese traders voyaged to Channel ports, and
some of these were probably three-masters. Le Roy has indeed
left us a ship which might pass for a poor reproduction of some
of the craft of the " Rous Roll " (Cotton. MS. Julius E. iv) of
nearly a century later than 1393. Moreover the form of the
hull in both his drawings is open to grave suspicion. On the
obverse the bow is finished off in a rounded projection without
any suggestion of the typical fore stage of the fourteenth
century ship, while the after stage is exceedingly sketchy.
And when we look at his drawing of the reverse we find the
hull is the other way round, the ship sails to the dexter side
with a fore stage as sketchy as the after stage of the obverse,
the rounded projection being now at the stern. Such a
reversal is without a parallel in any seal known to me. On
the first page of Le Roy's Dissertation there is an engraving
THE SHIP OF THE SEAL OF PARIS
133
representing the Nautae Parisiaci sacrificing at their altar on
the Island. Drawn up on the beach are several vessels with
curved bow projections just like those on the ships of Le Roy's
drawings. This - engraving is marked Halle inv., and it seems
possible enough that Simonneau fils obtained the bow and stern
of the seal ship, so entirely unlike any mediaeval bow or stern,
from Halle's drawing. Such a curved projection is in fact the
ornamental end of a Roman vessel of about A.D. 200 reversed.
But improbability does not cease with the hull of Le Roy's
ships. The mainsail on the obverse is gasketed to the yard in
only three furls, decidedly too few when we turn to authentic
representations of mediaeval ships. Finally, it seems unlikely
that if the Provostry adopted a three-masted ship there should
have been a return to the typical one-master within thirteen
years. Without labouring the matter further it may be said that
imperfect impressions of the seal of 1406, such as those reproduced
at the foot of plate XX, might give to an artist unfamiliar with
nautical details the idea of a vessel with large main and small
fore and mizen masts such as we see in Le Roy's figures. In
this opinion I am fortunate in having the agreement of
M. Coulon, who, on my communicating it to him, replied " II
ne me parait pas possible que ce sceau soit de 1393 ; les
caracteres de la legende ne peuvent etre de xv siecle : s'il y a
eu, comme c'est vraisemblable d'apres ce que vous dites, une
erreur, I'erreur doit porter non sur la date de I'acte, mais sur
I'imperfection du dessin." The 1406 seal is dated only from
the document to which it is attached, and the matrix may well
have been engraved before 1393. I would therefore urge that
the seal attributed by Le Roy to the latter year is* really that
known as the seal of 1406.
Seal VI. A.D. 1412. The two examples of this seal nnd its
reverse preserved at Les Archives are iiiq)ressions in hmI wax
appended to " lettres en forme de (piittance, dat'Hvs du 12 Oct.
1412, par Pierre Gentien, Prevot des Marchands et ])ar les
Echevins," and also on similar documents of 10 mars, 1415.
Obverse. 55 mm. (A.N. no. 55<S5.) TIk" legtMid is a n>(mn
to the Latin form :
(SIGILLV)M:MERCATORVIVI(:AQVE:)PARIlSIVS)
134
II. II. 15111 NDLEY
Le Roy (c>/;. cit. p. xxxvii) states that the legend was changed
at " \c ivtablissement de la prevote des marchands en 1411 sous
Charles VI." This well-designed seal is the last having th(3
flewrs-de-lys in the field. The photograph on the left at the top
of pi. XXI is from a cast of the 1412 impression, and that on
the right, in which the ship is almost complete and the legend
(SIGILLVM:ME)RCAT(ORVM:AQVE:PARISIVS)
almost entirely wanting, is from a cast of the 1415 impression.
The hull has sharp sheer aft and the aft stage is now roomy
•and built on to the stern as in contemporary seals. The fore
stage alsovshows corresponding advance The mast is very heavy.
In both impressions its head has vanished, but from the reverse
we may conclude that it was continued through the inner border
of the legend and bore a cross dividing the latter. The heavy
fore-stay characteristic of representations of the time is present
and behind it another, smaller, rope leading to the break of the
fore stage can be seen. Aft of the mast there are three ropes
which may be called back-stays, and forward of these another
rope leading to the break of the aft stage, which is perhaj)s
a halyard. Like all its predecessors the ship sails to the dexter
side. The sail is set on the starboard gybe, and its foot is
gathered in with excellent artistic effect. The head is laced
to a heavy yard in the " open " fashion so familiar to students of
mediaeval work. The head of the sail bears three fleurs-de-lys
per fess, which forms the only instance of the lilies thus disposed.
This is of special interest, as it coincides with the addition of
the chef de France to the shield-of-arms of Paris. De Coetlogon
{op. cit. I. p. 66) states that the earliest record of the chef
d'azur aux fleurs-de-lys is its representation on an ordinance
of Charles VI, dated fev. 1415, which is preserved at Les
Archives. The portion of this beautifully executed manuscript,
bearing the shield in colours, supported by an angel, is repro-
duced in facsimile in de Coetlogon's work. He observes that
no chronicler noted the important change thus made, and
attributes this to the civil commotions of the time.
Reverse. 29 mm. (A. N. no. 5585 his.) This is of almost
exactly the same design as the obverse. The legend is
SIGILLVM:MERCATORVM:AQVE:PARISIVS
The ship of the seal of paris
135
Seal VII. a.d. 1426. 34 mm. (A. N. no. 5586.) The
impression in red wax preserved at Les Archives is attached
10 " lettres donnees par Hugues Lecoq, Prevot des Marchands,
k' 30 avril, 1426." It is possible that this seal should be assigned
to 1417, as it was in that year that a new one was ordered to
replace the seals then in use, presumably those of 1412, which
had been stolen. M. Coulon, in his Inventaire des sceaux de la
; Boiirgogne (Paris, 1912), preface, p. 11, note 9, quotes A. N. Ms.
X^-^ 1480, tf. 112 V. et 113. " Ce jour [10 decembre 1417],
uiaistre Jean le Bugle, en nom et comme procureur de la ville de
Paris, vint en la chambre de parlement, denuncier et signifier
que le jour-precedent les sceaulz de ladite ville de Paris avoient
este perduz par larrcein et que ce n'estoit pas Tintencion de
ladite ville de adj ouster foy desormais a ce qui seroit fait soulz
le scelle desdiz seaulz depuis ledit larrcein et perte des seaulz
' dessusdiz, mais feroit faire autres seaulz nouveaux differens a
ceulz qui ont este perduz." In such an emergency doubtless no
time was lost in procuring substitutes, and in the absence
of evidence to the contrary, we may suppose that the seal used
on a document of 1426 was issued in 1417. The legend is the
same as in the 1412 seals :
(SIGILLVM:MER)CATORV(M:AQVE):PARISIVS
The impression which survives is very imperfect, but the
chef de France fleur-de4yse, its first appearance on the seal,
as well as the general features of the nef can be made out.
The hull is now of the crescent type, characteristic of the
ship on seals of the fifteenth century. The embattled fore
and after stages and the slender much sheering bow and stern
recall the ship of the 1406 seal. Whether the mast cari-ies
a top 'is uncertain. There is a fore-stay and one other rope
leading forward of the mast, arid aft of it two ropes come down
. to the deck. The sail is set and the shi)) is passing to (h(^
' dexter side. On the whole, the introduction of the c1>c/
lessens the effectiveness of d(>sign, for it introduc(\s ;v linrd
line across the medallion Ix^iring ship and rrnnips \\\v
latter, so that the artist has to shorten th(> mast nnd diminish
the sail out of proportion to the size of the hull. Jn the 1426
1
lo6 H. II. I'.RINDLEY
seal ho cii(lc;iv()urs to diminish Uiis fault by making th(3 hull
small also, but the result is not good. This seal and its
successors are far surpassed by that of 1412, wherein the idea
of the clicf is conveyed by placing the fleiirs-de-lys at the head f
of the sail. Very possibly, however, the designer of the 1426
seal had no option, the addition of the chef may have been
an official order.
Seal VIII. 35 mm. a.d. 1472. The impression in red
wax preserved at Les Archives is attached to " lettres donnees
par Denis Hesselin, prevot des Marchands et par les Echevins,
le 18 mars, 1472," and it is referred to officially as " le petit sccl
de la Prevote des Marchands." Whether "petit" indicates that
another seal was also in use is not known. The legend is
(SIGILLVM:)PARVVM:PREPOSITVRE:M(ERCATO)RVM:AQV(E:PARISIVS)
The chef fleur-de-lyse is smaller than in the seal of 1426
but the efforts of the artist to design an effective ship
in the available space resulted in something like a caricatur
though he merits praise for following the good heraldic tradition
that the charge should fill the field as much as possible. But m
doing this he had to leave reality aside, so that while the se
of 1412 shows us a vessel not much unlike the ordinary craft
the time, that of 1472 is a travesty. There is scarcely any free
board and the crescent hull is very nearly a half circle with low
embattled stages perched on bow^ and stern with their platform
prolonged to meet the inner border. Above each stage are
small knobs, the meaning of which is uncertain. In the 1426
ship the fore-stay, on account of the shortness of the mast
is led to the deck well aft of the fore stage, instead of into the
stage as it is in the 1412 ship, in contemporary French and
English seals, and in the nobles of King Edward III and his
successors. This was its proper lead. Perhaps the designer
of the 1426 seal realised that it would look unduly level if led
to the high fore stage. In the ship of 1472 things are much
worse. Not only is the fore-stay led still further aft in the hull,
but by way of compensation an upper fore-stay has been added
which leads into the fore stage : from its angle it^ can only be a
topmast stay, and the ropes which are seen aft of the mast
I
Camb. Ant. Soc. Vol. XX
Plate XXI, p. 136
The Ship of the Seal of Vixiia,
THE SHIP OF THE SEAL OF PAEIS
137
confiriu this. The two nearest the mast come from just above
the yard and might be meant for either standing or running
rigging ; then comes another, more up-and-down, which almost
reaches the aft stage and is evidently led from a topmast hidden
by the chef, this is a topmast back-stay. The straight ridge from
the aft stage towards the mast at first looks like a second and
much stouter back-stay, but I do not think that it is a rope at
all. The rope at a low angle with the hull is the starboard
sheet ; the port sheet is much worn.
There is a certain amount of evidence that one-masted craft
of the fifteenth century occasionally carried a topmast on which
sail was set, but if the designer of the 1472 seal had this in his
mind we can hardly accept the stays. Such a topmast would
have been stayed to the top, not to the deck : in the early small
topsails the sheets led into the top. This seal ship of 1472 is
an unsatisfactory result of trying to satisfy artistic demands
and reality at the same time.
Seal IX. a.d. 1577. The impressions of this seal and its
reverse are attached to " une concession d'eau, 11 mai, 1619,"
but it was in use many years earlier, as the exergue is inscribed
1577. It is the first dated seal of Paris. ,
Obverse. 40 mm. (A. N. no. 5588.) The legend is in
French on this seal and all its successors :
(SCE)LDELA:(PREVOSTE:DES:MARCH)ANS:DE:LAVILLE:DE: PARIS: 1577
The chef fleiw-de-lyse is reduced, which allows space for
a large ship running free on a tempestuous sea. This ship
is quite different from her predecessors, and she is also the
first of the series with her bow towards the sinister sid(^ of the
medallion. Moreover, if we regard the three-masted ship of Le
Roy in 1393 as an error, the ship of 1577 is the first with fore
and mizen masts. She is in fact a well proportioned representa-
tion of the "great ship" of her day. The fore stage of earlier
seals is now the forecastle, though the exact steps by which this
important piece of evolution was brought about remain obscure :
it is quite possible that in this cas(^ (k^velopmenl proc(\Mied
along more than one line. Here th(^ seals of Taris ntVonl
no assistance. The ship of 1577 has as up-to-date a poop as
U. II. liRlNDLKV
lorccjisfck\ l"'he beak-head of the time is fitted, and the bowsprit,
which has much steeve, can just be made out, though its sprit-
sail and spritsail-yard seem to be omitted, but the impression
is faint in this place. It is uncertain if the rudder is shown,
there is some suggestion of it. Hitherto it has been lacking in
the Paris ship. The artist has striven to show the saucer-like
tops, and in getting the mizen mast of height proportionate to
the hull, he has made the foremast and more still the mainmast
too low. The usual forward rake of the foremast and aft rake
of the mizen are omitted, all three masts being vertical. The
fore and main shrouds are present, but no other rigging. With
fore and main courses set and mizen furled to its large yard
the idea of running free before a strong breeze is conveyed
well. The main course, and probably the fore course also are
of the type called " bilobular " by Mr Geoffrey Callendar (The
Mariners Mirror, ii. 1912, p. 372). Such bilobed square sails
are seen in the drawings of Maso Finiguerra and Pinturicchio.
Mr Callendar, in his detailed study of this curious balloon type
of sail, points out if it ever really existed as pictured by the
Florentine painters, it was Mediterranean in origin and distri-
bution, and that it was in vogue during the fifteenth and
perhaps most of the following century.
Reverse. 20 mm. (A. N. no. 5588 bis.) This is virtually a
small copy of the obverse without the legend. The main mast
is stepped nearer to the break of the poop, and there seems to
be no beak-head.
Seal X. a.d. 1631. 29 mm. (A. N. no. 5589.) The im-
pression at Les Archives is attached to '"' une concession d'eau "
dated " 22 mars, 1631, dresse au nom du prevot des marchands
et des echevins de la ville de Paris," and in this deed it is
referred to as " le seel de la prevoste des marchans." The
legend is altogether different from that of any other seal :
S(cel:)POUR:LES:COMPAGNIES:FRANCOISES
In reply to my enquiry on this legend M. Coulon kindly
sends me the information that " pour vendre a Paris il fallait
etre hanse, faire partir de la hanse et avoir la compagnie
fran9aise, aussi qu'il ressort de divers textes des anciennes
THE vSHIP OF THE SEAL OF PARIS
139
in-doiiiiances do la ville dc Paris " {vide Les ordonnances royaux
sur le fait et jurisdiction de la prevoste des marchands et esche-
riiis de la ville de Paris ; Paris, 1644, en fol. pp. 3, 95, 197).
Le Roy (loc. cit. p. xxxi) states of the Marchands de I'Eau,
" reyoivent an privilege de la Planse ceux qui doivent exercer
lo commerce par eau, et donnent ' compagnie fran9oise ' aux
torains apres les avoir hanses."
In this seal the chief is much reduced, so the ship gains in
height, but the three-master of the age has gone and with her
vor}^ nearly all reality. Why in his evident endeavour to place
a mediaeval one- master on the seal its designer should have
been allowed to perpetrate such a grotesque as he has left us
it is impossible to say. We see a thoroughly crescentic hull
with huge fore and after stages, a mast with two ropes led
down to the deck just forward of it and two rattled shrouds
( tlie first rattled shrouds of the series) and most of a bellied
bi lobular sail. But on what is this sail set ? This cannot
be made out with any certainty, everything is confused by the
immense sloping spar which runs up from the deck past the
starboard upper corner of the sail. This looks more like a yard
braced impossibly than anything else, and indeed there is some
suggestion that the head of the sail is meant to appear laced
to it. But if this is so the yard is in a quite impossible posi-
tion. Probably the whole thing is a fancy design and we may
take the two ropes leading up from the after stage as back-stays
or braces, as we please. Nothing is gained by spending further
words on this most unworthy performance. Like that of 1577
the ship sails to the sinister side.
■ Seal XL a.d. ] 646. 27 mm. (A. N. no. 5500.) The im-
pression at Les Archives is attached to " une concession d'eau "
dated "15 novembre, 1646." It is the first in which the
echevins are mentioned, the legend being
(SCEL:DE:L)A:PREV(oste:)ET :ECHEVI NAG E:DE PARIS
The chief is larger than in tlu^ hist, seal and lis fletns-de-li/s
are well designed, but the ship is very little n^virer resi^mbling
any possible vessel than the car icature of 1631. The crescentic
hull is repeated, this time with a long forward superstructure,
140
II. H. BRINDLEY
which may be a fore stage or a kind of beak-head. There is
no bows})rit. The aft(^T stage, if present, is small. At first
sight there seem to be only two masts, but it is almost certain
that the poop carries a mizen, the oblong structure above it
being the mizen yard and furled sail : the central position of
the highest mast certainly demands another aft of it, and though
the impression in this part is poor there seem to be indications
of a short mizen with at least one stay or shroud. The mainmast
carries a top, unless it is a cross. Three rattled shrouds run up
on the after side, and two, or else three, shrouds on the forward
side of this mast. The main course is quadrilobular, and its
lacing to the main yard is very " open."
There is some suggestion of a main topsail-yard below the
top-like object surmounting the mast. The foremast appears
to carry a top. Two fore shrouds come down to the fore stage.
The fore course is trilobular.
The ship is once more sailing to the dexter side.
Seal XII. 30mm. a.d. 1674. (A.N. no. 5591.) The
impression at Les Archives is attached to "une concession d'eau
du 30 novembre 1674." The legend is the same as on the 1646
seal abbreviated —
S{c)EL:DE:LA:PREV(ost6:)ET:ECH(evinage):DE:PARIS
There is but little difference between the design of this seal
and that of its predecessor. The chief is the same. The hull
of the ship is somewhat less crescentic and the beak-like fore
stage is much smaller. There is no bowsprit. In the broadside
there are three port-holes. The high poop carries a mizen mast
and on this are rigged a yard and furled sail which are much
more like reality than those of the 1646 ship. The fore and
main masts and their courses seem virtually identical with those
of 1646. In both, short though the mizen mast is, the ex-
travagant height of the poop brings the mizen yard on a level
with the main yard.
The seals of 1631, 1646 and 1674 are in respect of the ship
a series of caricatures whose existence may be attributed to
official indifference and to the decline in the art of seal en-
graving during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.
Camb. Ant. Soc. Vol. XX
Plate XXII, p. 140
Tho Ship of tho Seal of i'aria.
THE SHIP OF THE SEAL OF PARIS
141
Seal XIIL 40mm. a.d. 1733. (A.N. no. 5592.) The
impression is attached to "une concession d'eau du 15 septembre,
1733." The legend is
SCEL:DE:LA:PREVOTE:ET:ECHEVINAGE:DE:LA:VILLE:DE:PARIS
The chief differs from that of the three preceding seals in
being reduced in size, which gives more space for the ship, and
in the fleiirs-de-lys being smaller and more numerous, which is
an artistic improvement. The ship also is better than its three
predecessors, though, in an apparent attempt after an antique
design, the artist produces a curious cross between the ships of
the fourteenth and sixteenth centuries as we see them on seals.
The hull is very crescentic but does not taper at either end, so
that the forecastle and poop are suggested as integral portions
of it. From the forecastle there projects a short beak-head,
there is no bowsprit, and on the forecastle is the foremast with
top and carrying the fore course set. The mainmast has a
large top and the set main course is somewhat lower than the
fore course. The mizen, with top, is on the poop. Its sail is
furled. The only rigging which can be made out is one or two
main shrouds aft of the mast, a main back-stay from under the
top to the break of the poop, and two mizen shrouds aft of
the mast. Artistically and in approach to reality this ship is
certainly an improvement on its immediate predecessors, but,
like them, is of no value to the nautical archaeologist.
As in the two preceding seals the ship sails to the dexter
side.
Seal XIV. 40mm. a.d. 1734. (A.N. no. 5593.) The
impression at Les Archives is attached to ''une concession d'eau
du 14 septembre 1734," and the legend is
SCEL:DE:LA:PREVOTE:ET:ECHEVINAGE:DE:LA:VILLE:DE:PARIS
The design is very different from that of the preceding seal,
for the medallion gives place to an oval shield witliin pahn
branches and other conventional ornaments arranged lik(^ a
mantling: it is in foct the first " hei-aldic seal." Tho small
area of the chief and the oval form of the shield are favourable
to an accurately proportioned ship. The three-masted vessel
142
H. 11. liRlNDLEY
of this seal is in both hull and rig a good reproduction of th< ,
features of a first-rate ship of her day. She sails on the por ;
tack to the sinister side with spritsail and spritsail topsail furled i
The fore course, fore topgallant, main topgallant, mizen sail anr
inizen topsail are furled also.^ All three mastheads carry a flag
one is also flown from the spritsail topmast and an ensign is
on the staff in the poop. The marked superiority of this seal
over those of the preceding hundred years suggests that some
one in authority was at last alive to the unworthiness of the
latter.
SealXY. 28 mm. a.d. 1789. (A. N. no. 5594.) Plate XXII,
1789 a. The original impression is preserved at the Prefecture
de Police attached to " un arrete de la municipalite provisoire
de Paris, installe a I'Hotel de Ville apres I'abolition de la
Prev6te des Marchands (15 juiilet 1789)." The arrete is dated
"17 juiilet " (de Coetlogon, loc. cit. i. p. 70, f. n.). The legend is
SCEL:DE:LA:PREV(6te):ET:ECH(evinage):DE:LA:VILLE:DE:PARIS
This seal thus possesses curious historical interest, for it is
the seal of the Provostry used officially after that body had
ceased to exist, 17 juiilet is the day the King came from Ver-
sailles to Paris ; the third day from the storming of the Bastille.
There had not been time to supersede this last seal of the
ancient Provostry by one adapted to the new state of things.
The seal is of the same general design as that of 1734, but the
mantling round the oval shield is much simpler. The chief has
a curved base, presumably to give the shield the appearance of
projecting more than it does. The ship is similar to that of
1734, save that the main course is furled to its yard. In both
seals the ship sails to the sinister side, a reversal of its direction
in 1733. The sails are set for running with a wind on the port
quarter.
Seals of A.D. 1789. Among the original impressions pre-
served at Les Archives is one attached to a document of " le
comite permanent des representants de la Commune de I'As-
semblee nationale," dated 31 juiilet, 1789. 25 mm. (A.N.
no. 5595.) Plate XXII, 1789 6. There is no legend. The
oval shield of Seals XIV and XV has been replaced by an
THE SHIP OF THE SEAL OF PARIS
143
unpleasing octagonal one surrounded by somewhat stiff con-
ventional ornaments within a cable border. It is not known
whether the matrix was a new one engraved by order of the
Conunune, or one dating before July with the inscription erased.
If the former we must suppose that a design appropriate to the
powers which had superseded the Provostry had not been evolved,
while if the latter the Provostry would seem to have possessed
an alternative seal. However this may be we have the new
authority issuing its actes sealed with the emblems of the
government it had abolished. The ship, which still sails to the
sinister side, differs from that of Seal XV in several features.
The hull is viewed from the starboard quarter, so that the stern
post and the stern gun ports of both sides are seen. There is a
suggestion of a spritsail topmast, but the bowsprit cannot be
made out. Shrouds are omitted, though the engraver emphasises
the fore, main, and mizen topmast stays and the mizen stay. The
fore and main stays are perhaps shown. Instead of being furled,
as they are in Seal X V, the fore and main courses, both much too
small, are set, as are also all three topsails. All these sails are
braced so that the ship would be taken aback. As in Seal XV
there are masthead flags (that on the main is hidden by the
chief) and also a flag on the ensign staff. This very poor ship
is a striking contrast to those of Seals XV and XIV, and the
general inferiority of the seal to its two predecessors suggests
that it was a hummed production of the new authority.
Another impression at Les Archives is attached to "un ordro
par les administrateurs de Police," dated 1 septembre, 1792.
25 mm. Red wax impression. (A. N. no. 5597.) Plate XXII,
1789 c. The legend is
No. 7. IV1AIRIE:DE:PARIS:1789.
Like the seal last described the shape is oval and a cabh^
border surrounds the design. The shield is comparatively small
and of heptagonal form. It is surrounded by two branches of
oak or laurel. Above is a pole supporting a Cap of LiboiMy.
As in the seal last described the lower border of th(* v\\\v\' is
slightly curved. The tincture of the fleld is denoted by lin(>s:
this indication is unusual in the. case of seals. Tho ship is an
144
11. H. HRINDLEV
iinpi-ovement on that of the f?(^al hist (described, though the
poop seems to be omitted. The hull is seen broadside on. The
bowsprit carries a top and spritsail topmast : both spritsail and
spritsail topsail are furled. Of the standing rigging, the port
main and mizen shrouds are shown, as also fore topmast and
fore topgallant mast stays, and main topgallant mast stay. The
ship is running with the wind on the starboard quarter : the
fore course and fore topsail are set, the fore topgallant sail is
furled ; the main course is furled, while above it the topsail
and topgallant sail are set ; the mizen is furled and the mizen
topsail set. There appear to be mast-head pendants and the
ensign staff carries a large flag. The ship sails to the dexter
side, a direction last seen in 1733.
There is figured by de Coetlogon {loc. cit. I. p. 98) a seal
attached to a document of 10 aout 1792, which is very like that
just described. It bears the number 1 instead of 7, and in the
exergue is
MAIRIE:DE:PARIS:1789.
Certain " en-tetes de pieces administratives " of A.D. 1790
figured by de Coetlogon {loo. cit.) are similar in design to the
above seals, though in all but one the ship sails to the sinister
side. Thus it seems that up to the passing of the Legislative
Assembly the Revolutionary authorities were sufficiently con-
servative to continue the use of the ancient armorial bearings
on their official actes, imagination going no further than
abolishing the original legend and surmounting the ecu with
the Cap of Liberty : the ship still continued to be the symbol
of Paris.
But, "apres la proclamation de la Republique (22 septembre,
1792) les fleurs de lys proscrites durent naturellement quitter
le vieil ecusson communal ; le navire, antique symbole du com-
merce parisien, qui n'avait pourtant rien d'aristocratique, en fut
egalement chasse " (de Coetlogon, loc. cit. i. p. 99). Under the
Empire, by an acte of 29 Janvier, 1811, the nef was restored, but
its design was classical, and above the prow was seated the
figure of Isis. Over this a chief, gules instead of azure, bore
the bees of Napoleon. With the Restoration the lilies on a
chief azure were revived, and the nef took the form of a full
THE SHIP OF THE SEAL OF PARIS
145
rigged ship of the time. At the present time it is a three-
masted ship of the sixteenth century treated conventionally.
It is of interest to know what administrative body has the
best claim to be regarded as the historical descendant of the
ancient Provostry. In response to my doubts on this M. Coulon
kindh^ writes, " Ce qui a remplace la cite de Paris est, je pense,
la municipalite de Paris, qui appose sur les actes un timbre
; portant les armes de la ville (la nef sous un chef fleur-de-lise)
surmonte de la couronne murale avec la devise FLUCTUAT NEC
. MERGITUR sur une banderole entre deux rameaux de chene et
d'olivier reunis par la croix de la legion d'honneur, avec la
legende municipality de paris I'administration special de
la ville de Paris, qui est a la fois departementale et municipale,
la ville se confondante le plus souvent avec le departement de
la Seine. Pour moi c'est bien le cachet de la Municipalite qui
* represente aujourd'hui I'ancien sceau de la cite, derive de celui
des marchands de I'eau."
The chief features of the seals of Paris may be tabulated as
on p. 146 : — D and 8 in the last column indicating that the ship
has bow to dexter or sinister side. •
These seals form a series sufficiently extensive to illustrate
very well the chief changes which manifested themselves in
the art of seal engraving during most of the centuries covered
by European seals. Like those of our own country, the seals
of Paris show the variation of style from the archaic and
precise designs of the twelfth century to the decadence of the
seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. On the other hand, to
the nautical archaeologist they do not afford more than con-
firmation of the evidence he obtains from other contemporary
representations of ships. Some were certainly designed by
' men with little knowledge of nautical details, tliough the seals
of 1200, 1366, 1412, 1577, 1734 and 1789 stand out as exceptions
' to this. It is a little curious that the rudder is not represented
' till 1577 : we might well expect to see it in the well-designod
ship of 1412. Neither has any of the mediaeval seals of l\vris
lithe steering oar, but the absence of this may be attiibut cd to
none of the ships being mamuHl : wIkmi i-o])i-(\s(>iit(Ml, t.h(> stiHM'ing
oar is nearly always in the hands of iho pilot. Al what timo
(J. 4. S. Comm. Vol. XX, iO
146
H. H. BRINDLEY
Seal
A.l).
Legend
Fleurs-de-lys
Masts
of the
yhip
I
1200
Latin
none
one
II
1358
5?
55
55
(Apr.)
III
1358
3»
in field
55
(Dec.)
IV
1366
on gonfalon
55
V
1406
French
in field
55
(but see
p. 133)
VI
1412
Latin
in field and
55
on head of
sail
VII
1426
semes on chief
55
(? 1417)
VIII
1472
?J
55 55
55
IX
1577
French
55 55
three
X
1631
55 55
one
XI
1646
5'
55 55
three
XII
1674
5»
55 55
55
XIII
1733
?5
55 55
55
XIV
1734
55
55 55
55
XV
1789
55
55 55
55
—
1789
none
55 55
55
(Seal of
the Com-
mune)
1789
French
;) 55
55
(Seal
. of the
Mairie)
Remarks on the Ship
ike I
tend:
pc, p
' seal,
rising ends, no yard : d
good. ? i) or /S.
risi ng ends : design rather
D.
beast head ends. D.
beast head ends. D.
fore and after stages. D.
fore and after stages : des]
good. D.
hull crescentic, fore and afi
stages : design poor. D.
hull very crescentic, fore a
after stages. D.
forecastle and poop, ship a ii
representation of those of t
age, sails bilobulap. >S'.
hull crescentic, fore and aft
stages, design poor with i:
possible details, sail biM
lar. >S'.
hull a caricature of the cr<'
centic type, fore and
stages, sails tri- and quad
lobular. D.
hull with little sheer, fore a;
after stages, sails tri- or qua
rilobular : design poor. D
hull crescentic, fore and afl
stages : design poor. D
ship well designed and repi*
sentative of the age. The fii
seal with oval ecu and floil
branches. S.
ship well designed, very like t.
last, scroll ornaments vom
the oval ecu. S.
ship poorly designed, scr<
work round an octagonal ec
S.
ship of moderately good desig
heptagonal ecu between oi
branches and surmounted 1
Cap of Liberty. D,
THE SHIP OF THE SEAL OF PARIS
147
the rudder generally took the place of the steering oar we do
not know, but I have previously (Gamb. Ant Soc. Communi-
cations, XVIII, 1914, p. 72) advanced evidence from seals which
tends to indicate that the rudder was in general use in the
Baltic and estuaries of the great North Sea rivers earlier than
in the Channel. None of the sails of the Paris seals bear reef-
points, though their earliest representation known is on a French
seal, the twelfth century seal of La Rochelle. On the other
hand the bi-, tri-, and quadrilobular sails of the seals of 1577,
j 1646 and 1674 are interesting as late examples of a feature
which is characteristic of the Mediterranean. Again, as regards
the arrangement of the planking, the relations of the fore and
after stages with the hull, and the persistence of the " beast's
head " ornament, the seals of Paris well deserve the attention
of those who seek more knowledge of that very complex subject,
' the evolution of the sailing ship.
Early Clay Tobacco-pipes found near
Barton E,oad, Cambridge.
By Hugh Scott, M.A., F.L.S.
! Read June 5, 1916.
{The numbers in brackets refer to the list of works consulted.)
Old clay pipes are constantly brought to light in many parts
I of the British Islands, and a number of writers have attempted
to discover the dates of their manufacture and other points in
, their history. The oldest of them carry us back but little more
I than three centuries, yet there is a definite evolution of form
from the earliest examples to those made for use at the present
. day.
It is not intended here to summarise more than v(ny bi-iefiy
the history of the clay-pipe manufacture, since this has been
1 done in more than one of the works cited below. Souu^ of thes(^
' old pipes were previously assigned to periods many centuritvs
before the introduction of tobacco, and it was supposed tliat
10—2
148
HUGH SCOTT
tlie}^ were used for the smoking of coltsfoot and other herbs.
Also in some parts of the British Isles there are, or were,
superstitions connecting them with supernatural beings. From
ideas of this kind have arisen such names as " Fairy " or " Elfin"
pipes, " Celtic " or " Danes' " pipes, etc. But though the fumes
of burning herbs were probably inhaled before the introduction
of tobacco, it is uncertain w^hether they were actually smoked
in objects like tobacco-pipes or not. Be that as it may, we now
know that most, if not all,, of the early clays belong to the
period subsequent to the commencement of tobacco-smoking;
that is, not before the closing years of the 16th century.
Some of the earliest tobacco-pipes used in England Avere
of silver^, but the making of clays rapidly assumed considerable
importance. At the present time the manufacture is concen-
trated in a few localities, but in the 17th and 18th centuries
clay pipes were made locally in a great number of places, and
in many parts of the country, including our own. Certain towns
became famous for pipes of superior quality, some of which were
exported to all parts of the British Islands, and even to the
American Colonies (19, 20). Such towns were London, Bristol,
Hull, Amesbury, Winchester, and Broseley (Salop) ; the last rose
early to the front rank, and has retained its importance to the
present day. But in addition to these there were many small
local manufactories throughout the land. The Dutch too,
having learnt the art from England, seem to have speedily
become efficient in it, and from the latter part of the 17th
century (if not earlier) onwards many pipes were imported
from Holland into England.
The objects of this paper are, first, to discuss a large series
of examples recently found in Cambridge, with some remarks on
the old local industry : and secondly, to give a bibliography of
works bearing on the subject of old English clay pipes.
^ In Switzerland some of the oldest known examples are of metal : see
Barber (17). In England, in these very earliest days of tobacco- smoking, poor
people are said to have impro-vised pipes out of half walnut shells with straws
for stems. The Antarctic explorers, recently rescued from Elephant Island,
during their stay there "smoked grass taken from the padding of their boots,
while pipes were carved from birds' bones and wood" {Times, 11 Sept. 1916).
EARLY CLAY TOBACCO-PIPES
149
Early clay pipes first aroused my interest in the autumn of
1913, when several old pipe-bowls were found in my garden.
The house which I occupy had been built during the summer
by King's College at the end of Millington Road, close to the
boundary between lands belonging to King's and Corpus Christi
Colleges. The site was rough grass-land which had not been
cultivated for a number of years, and the pipes were brought to
the surface during the making of the garden. Subsequently
a much larger plot adjoining the house on the north-east has
been brought under cultivation by the boys of Littleton House
School, who have kindly handed over to me a large number
of pipe-bowls found by them during 1915 and 1916. In the
area of about IJ acres formed by this plot and my garden
together, over 180 pipe-bowls have come to light, besides great
numbers of fragments of stems, and the supply is by no means
exhausted. The following fact, however, proves that these objects
are not universally distributed hereabouts: during 1915 a
small additional piece of uncultivated land immediately to the
west of my garden was dug over, and I anticipated a further
harvest of old pipes ; but only very few were discovered.
I am also indebted to Mrs Stanley Gardiner for lending
me a set of over 50 bowls found on about 3 acres of culti-
vated land between Barton Road and the further end of
Selwyn Gardens. They were collected in 1914-6, mostly
during the building of Bredon House and the making of its
garden. Bredon House and Millington Road are between
i and ^ mile apart, and I shall refer to the two collections
under the names of those places.
Many other old pipes have been found in this part of
Cambridge, but apparently they have not been kept together.
Some years ago a number were discovered in the orchards and
\ egetable-gardens of Messrs R. M. Jones and Son, on the south
side of Barton Road some way further out of Cambridge than
Bredon House. Many others, too, have been disc()V(>rod in
other parts of Cambridge, but for the present I am confining
myself to the Barton Road series.
The bulk of these old pipes are, as is shown Inflow, of 17th
century date, and the question arises, how do they come to be
150
HUGH SCOTT
present in such numbers on these sites ? In Millington Road
they were found mostly about one foot below the surface : they *
have been nuich knocked about in past times, many of the bowls
being chipped and broken, and none of the pieces of stem ex-
ceeding about 2 1 inches in length. Those found at Bredon House '
include a bigger proportion of better preserved bowls, some of
them with longer pieces of stem still attached. I am inclined '
to think that many of them were thrown away in these places
as refuse. Most of the bowls show no sign of having been '
smoked, but they may have belonged to pipes which were spoilt ;
in the process of manufacture. R. Thursfield, in describing : i
the making of Broseley pipes in early days, states that at least \
20 per cent, were warped or broken in the kiln, while in 1862, '
with modernised methods, the breakages amounted to only ;
about one per cent. ((12), p. 81). Moreover it is possible that \
pipes which have been smoked might sometimes lose all traces >
of their use, owing to the action of chemical and physical !
processes during their long period of burial in the ground. '
The idea that they owe their presence to being cast away *
with refuse finds support in other objects found with them. ; ;
Teeth of domestic animals have been picked up on both sites. C
Three clay " wig-curlers^" have been found, two at Millington d
Road, one at Bredon House. All are broken, each having but o
one end entire : the two larger ones are stamped on their ends o
respectively " W. B." and " S." The Bredon House site has been o
rich in finds, including a human skeleton, a prehistoric stone ?
implement, and fragments of pottery and coins. Some of I
these latter are contemporary with the pipes, viz. : a piece of \
one of the stoneware vessels common in the 17th century and [
known as " Greybeards " or " Bellarmines," the piece bearing (
in fact the mouth and beard of the face represented on the
vessel ; two small tokens of tradesmen, one bearing the inscrip- t
tion " Thomas Cowell in Cambridge, his Half Peny, 1666," the i
other bearing the name " Edward Challis" and some other words ;
and a copper coin of the reign of George XL
The two collections of pipes together form a series in which
1 See the postscript to this paper, p. 168; also W. B. Kedfern, Proc. Camh.
Antiq. Soc, xiv. 1909-10, p. 6.
EARLY CLAY TOBACCO-PIPES
151
the change of shape of the bowl can be traced through many
modifications. 16 samples have been selected for illustration
(natural size) in plates XXIII and XXIV. They are arranged in
such order as to show this change of form, but there is no proof
that they were manuftictured exactly in this order chronologically,
for none bear dates and only two bear makers' marks (figs. 3
and 11, photographed for this reason in spite of their broken
state). But, as shown below, it can safely be said that the
larger and later kinds in the series of figures — particularly
figs. 13 — 16 — are in general also later in point of time. The
Bredon House series contains a bigger proportion of the larger
and later types than that found at Millington Road. Among
the illustrated examples, figs. 2, 4, 5 and 11 — 16 are from
Bredon House. The subject of makers marks is returned to
below.
Since none of the pipes bear dates, the periods of their
manufacture can only be ascertained by comparing them with
dated examples. . Such dating is only approximate, for even
if a pipe closely resembles a dated specimen found elsewhere,
there is no proof that it was made at exactly the same time.
Changes of form may have followed one another at slightly
different times in different districts, and older forms may have
continued to some extent to be manufactured contemporane-
ously with more modern kinds. Individual makers and families
of makers sometimes used moulds of distinctive form, differing
slightly but constantly from those of their fellow-manuficturers.
In the Barton Road collections there are very many slight
variations of shape among pipes of the same type, so that it is
hard to find two absolutely alike, and the principal kinds grade
one into the other by many small steps.
Some 17th and 18th century pipes have been found with
the date of their manufacture actually stamped on them :
certain of them are figured in the works referred t,o billow.
They are, however, very few in comparison with th(> total
number discovered. But a very much larg(M- proportion —
particularly in certain places — are stamped vvitli tht^ names
or initials of their makers, and by senrching the locnl arcliivos
for records of the periods when these persons liourishod, it is
152
HUGH S(X)Tt
possible to date the making of the pipes within fairly narrow
limits. Works which I have consulted exemplify the use of
this method in the case of three towns — the famous Broseley
in Shropshire, Bristol, and Hull. Already in his paper published
in 1862 (12), R. Thursfield stated that he had consulted the
Broseley parish register in order to discover the origin of one
of the best-known families of local pipe-makers. In 1907 T. H.
Thursfield published (33) a list of many names taken from old
Broseley pipes, with dates when these names first appear in the
parish registers. A number of Bristol pipes, stamped with
makers' names or initials, have been dated from the dates when
these makers were admitted freemen of the City of Bristol, as
recorded in the lists of burgesses (28, 34). And in 1902 Mr T.
Sheppard wrote (30) as follows concerning the early pipe-makers
of Hull: " Particulars of these have been obtained from the
freemen's rolls of the borough, where the names of the freemen,
their qualifications, as well as the names of the masters under
whom they served their apprenticeship, are recorded. It was the
custom for a man, on coming of age, to have his name enrolled
on the burgess list, by exhibiting his indentures. The date of
enrolment is consequently fairly to be looked upon as the
probable date of expiration of the seven years' apprenticeship."
Thus it has been possible to give a connected history of the
early pipe-makers of Hull from 1644 to 1720. In attempting
to date the Cambridge pipes I have relied largely on these
works.
Passing now to consider in detail the types illustrated in
plates XXIII and XXIY :
Fig. 1. Only two examples were found, both at Millington
Road. The heel is fiat, on a level with, not projecting below,
the line of the stem^ The mouth has a slight rim, but no
milled band. The curve of the bowl is distinctive, not quite
like that of any of the others. Undated pipes of this form,
found in London, are figured by Hilton Price ((27), figs. 1 — 4),
and are considered by him to belong to the early part of the
17th, or even the end of the 16th, century. Small though the
1 Bragge's collection (18) contains drawings of pipes said to have belonged to
Sir Walter Kaleigh, without heel or spur of any kind.
EAULY CLAY TOBACCO-PIPES
153
bowls of figs. 1 and 2 are, some early examples are slightly
smaller.
Fig. .V, a single example, from Bredon House, is as small
as iig. 1, but in form it resembles the larger pipes of well-
known 17 th century type which follow it. Like them it has a
milled band a little below the rim. Unlike any other specimen
it also has a milled band round the stem at the point where
this joins the bowl, and passing across the back part of the
flat heel : heels of Hull pipes of late seventeenth century date
with somewhat similar bands are figured ((30), nos. 27, 29).
Our pipe has a slender stem and smooth surface. Its bowl
is f inch, its stem inch, in diameter. It seems to resemble
closely the smallest of the Hull pipes ((30), no. 41), considered
to belong to the earlier part of the 17th century : this latter is
however slightly smaller, its measurements being given as | inch
for the bowl, \ inch for the stem.
Figs. 3, ^, and 7 — 10 belong to a well-known I7th century
type, of which nearly 20 examples were discovered at Bredon
House, and about 144 at Millington Road. Hardly any two of
this kind are exactly alike. Fig. 4 has a specially smooth
surface. The heels are always flat and large (so that the pipe
should rest upright on its heel when not in the smoker's mouth),
usually circular, but sometimes oval or egg-shaped, Avith the
pointed end at the back. The milled band below the rim varies
considerably, being broader or narrower, with the cross-ridges
either fine and narrow or coarse and wide, and either straight or
oblique : a few have only an impressed line without milling.
The smaller specimens closely resemble some Bristol pipes made
by men who were admitted freemen of Bristol in 1G49-51 ((2(S),
pp. 346-7), also some Hull pipes dated " latter half of the
17th century." Croker figures a pipe ((1), fig. 4) very like
fig. 7, and states that a number of such pipes were found
incrusted among burnt ruins in the foundations of an old house
in Crooked Lane, London, " which foundation was evidently
constructed before the Great Fire " of 16()6. Figs. 8—10 show
the enlargement of the bowl and some widening of the mouth :
fig. 8 has a particularly short, stumpy bowl. The sniiu^ ]^)ristol
makers referred to above made larger pipes similar to these, as
154
HUGH SCOTT
well as smaller ones resembling figs. 3, 4, and 7 : but possibly
the larger, wider- mouthed, examples are rather later than those
with smaller bowls and narrower mouths.
Before considering figs. 11 — 13, which show further stages
in the evolution of form, one may turn aside to regard figs, o
and 6. These are quite distinct, standing apart from the other
kinds and their evolutionary series of shapes. They are at
once distinguished by their very small heels or spurs, which
however are not actually pointed, but flat at the apex. The
bowl joins the stem at an even more obtuse angle than in
the others : it is constricted at its mouth, but its curves are
different, especially at the base. Six of this kind were found
at Bredon House and 24 at Millington Road. Croker figures
one of this type ((1), fig. 5), and states that a number of them
were dug up together with human bones in 1825 at Battle
Bridge near Pentonville, London, where persons dead of the
plague were said to have been buried in 1665, when also
smoking was much practised as a safeguard against the infec-
tion. Croker also had an unsmoked one with stem 7J inches
long, found with some sack-glasses under the Boar's Head tavern
in East Cheap, in a vault said to have remained unopened
since the Great Fire of 1666. Bernhard Smith speaks of pipes
of this kind (6) as found in abundance in the bed of the Thames
and everywhere about London : he considers them to be of
Dutch manufacture, stating that they are identical with those
shown in the mouths of " boors " in old Dutch pictures. " Such
were the pipes," he writes, " used by the soldiers of the Parlia-
ment whenever they encamped \" A. J. Lamb's first figure
((3), fig. 1) is apparently intended for a small-heeled pipe of
this pattern, and he states that such pipes were " found at
Hoylake, in Cheshire, on the site of the camp where the troops
of King William III were located previous to their embarkation
i In connection with the finding of pipes on sites of old camps, the following
facts were told me by the Kev. J. F. Perry, of Stonor, Oxon. In his childhood
he lived at Banbury, where his family had large nursery gardens. Pipes were
so commonly dug up in these gardens, that as a boy he regarded it as a matter
of course that they should be found by digging anywhere. Local tradition held
that the nurseries were on the site of the camp formed by the Parliamentary
soldiers when besieging Banbury Castle (1644-6).
Camb. Ant. Soc. Vol. XX
.Plate XXIII, p. 154
Early Clay Tobacco-pipes fouiul near r,.irt.>n Ko.ul, ramlMuigo.
EARLY CLAY TOBACCO-PIPES
155
for Ireland; and also on the battle field of the Boyne...and in
"other parts of Ireland where these troops were quartered "
[1688-90]. In contrast to these 17 th century dates, Mr Sheppard
figures ((30), no. 66) one of a number of rather similar pipes
found at Hull ; they have small spurs, and bowls of much the
same form, but with an incised line, not milled, below the mouth.
They have no makers' marks, but he dates them " middle of
18th century,'' without stating a reason. But in view of the
evidence quoted above, and since they were found with so many
undoubted 17th century examples, I am inclined to consider
the latter half of the 17th century as the period of the Cam-
bridge specimens. The Hull pipes may also be correctly dated,
for the same form may have been manufactured over a long
range of time. Some modern short clay uipes of Dutch make
have an extremely curious form, which might be derived from
that of figs. 5, 6. The bowl is set on the stem at an angle much
wider even than in these early specimens — so much so that it
seems almost in a line with the stem ; it is very much bigger,
but is still slightly narrowed at the mouth, and has a small
spur. I have one such, 30 years old or more, given me by
Mr A. J. Littlechild (of Messrs Colin Lunn), who tells me that
this kind was imported into Cambridge not very many years
ago, and that it may still be brought from Holland into the
East of England (fig. 21, p. 159).
Returning to the series with big flat heels : figs. 11 — 13
show the enlargement and lengthening of the bowl, and the
widening of its mouth, with the consequent straightening of
the sides. Nearly 20 of this kind were found at Bredon House
and 13 at Millington Road, but there are many slight differences
of shape and size among them. As remarked above, the pro-
portions of the numbers found on the two sites are now reversed.
In form these pipes are transitional between the smaller and
older type (figs. 2 — 4 and 7—10) and the pattern sliown in
figs. 15, 16. Professor Hughes figures a pipe ((2()), fig. 5)
similar to figs. 11 and 12, and states that several lik(> it were
found in St John's College Wilderness under two large elm
trees, blown down on Oct. 13th, 1881 ; the age of the trees
was reckoned by the number of rings in the wood, and by
156
HUGH SCOTT
this the pipes were referred to the early part of the reign
of Charles II. Hilton Price figures a Bristol example ((28),
fig. 12) marked with the initials of a maker admitted a freeman
of Bristol in 1655, which is not unlike our fig. 12, except that j
the lip of its bowl is at a much more oblique angle to the line
of the stem.
Fig. H is more nearly of the long-bowled Dutch pattern, j
It retains the big flat heel. I have another with an even longer 1
bowl, and with the big heel, from the allotment gardens at the \
Cambridge end of the Grantchester footpath. There is a broken
bowl with a slightly smaller heel from Millington Road. Some j
Hull pipes of this kind are dated from makers' initials circa \
1690 ((30), no. 10). Figs. 16, 16, from Bredon House, have j
even more slender bowls of the Dutch type, but they have
noticeably smaller heels. Fig. 16 has the bowl set on the stem
at an even wider angle than the rest ; it is approaching the
modern "churchwarden" in form, though with a very much
narrower bowl and bigger heel. These two pipes may have j
belonged to the very end of the l7th, or to the earlier part of i
the 18th, century. The long "Dutch" bowl is associated with j
the reign of William III. Fairholt ((10), p. 169) writes : " the {
places where the Dutch troops of William were stationed also
produce evidences of their occupancy in pipes of the forms here
engraved, and which continued to be a favourite till the middle j
of the last [i.e., 18th] century." Lamb (3) figures pipes of this }
long-bowled kind and remarks that they " very much resemble j
those represented in Hogarth's drawings, and probably were
smoked during the greater part of the 18th century ^"
^ On the other hand Fairholt (p. 173) writes that "pipe-makers seem to have
discarded the long Dutch bowl by the middle of the eighteenth century, and to
have recurred to the older form ; but adapted it to the increased capacity of the
smoker for quantity of tobacco." Penn also states ((29), p. 151) that with the
decrease of smoking among the leisured classes, the graceful long pipes went out
of fashion about this time, and that to provide for the poorer classes, who con-
tinued smoking, makers returned to the smaller, handier, short clays. I do not
however take this to mean that they ever recurred to quite the same form of
bowl, with constricted mouth, as was characteristic of the preceding century.
A certain dated figure given by Jewitt ((11), pi. 8, and again (15), vol. i,
opposite p. 295) might seem to indicate that bowls of typical 17th century
pattern continued to be manufactured well on into the 18th century, but
EARLY CLAY TOBACCO-PIPES
157
Lastly, there are several bowls of short clays of 19th century
form, two of which appear to be quite new. In this modern
pattern, as is well known, the bowl is upright, almost at right
angles to the stem, and wide-mouthed ; there is either no heel or
only a small pointed spur. On the other hand some foreign clays
of modern make are much nearer in form to the old kinds dealt
with above. Thus some French examples (fig. 22) have the
bowl at an obtuse angle with the stem, and slightly narrowed
at the mouth, though of course larger than in most of the old
pipes. I have already mentioned a still more curious modern
Dutch form (fig. 21).
The dates of the illustrated examples, as near as they can
be determined, may be summarised as follows : Fig. 1, late
16th or early 17th century ; fig. probably early in the
17th century; figs. 3, ^, and 7 — 10, common forms throughout
the gi-eater part of the 1 7th century; figs. 5, 6, a distinct kind,
probably of Dutch origin, latter half of l7th century ; figs. 11 —
13, late 17th century; fig. l^, about the last decade of the
17th, or opening years of the 18th, century ; figs, lo, 16,
probably rather later in the 18th century.
Length of the Stem, etc.
The 17th century pipes had straight stems, short in com-
parison with those of the 18th century " churchwardens." Penn
states ((29), p. 147) that some of the smallest and earliest had
stems only 3 inches long. I have seen no complete, earty pipes
as short as this, but in Bragge's collection of drawings (18)
are figures of some pipes contained in a case said to have
belonged to Sir Walter Raleigh himself These pipes, which
I doubt if this was so, for the following reason. The tigure represents an old
Broseley pipe of 17th century pattern, with constricted mouth, and with tlie
date 1729 beside it. It was assigned to this date because it bears on its heel the
name of the Broseley maker Samuel Decon, who was said to be alive in 1729.
ButT. H. Thursfield has subsequently shown ((33), p. 1G2) that Samuel Decon's
name first appears in the Broseley Parish Register in 1()81. Whether this was
the date of baptism of one of his children, or of what event, is not stated,
but in any case he may have made the pipe in question considerably before 172'.*.
Therefore too much stress must not be laid on this figure as proving that mc\\
pipes were still being made as late as 1729.
158
HUGH SCOl^T
are represented with the bowl at a very obtuse angle, anr ,
without heel or spur of any kind, have stems only aboulijl
8 inches long, but are fixed into holders which make themiil
much longer. I
A pipe found at Oxford, now in my possession, with a veryl
small and early type of bowl, has 3 inches of stem still attached,l|
but from its thickness at the point where it is broken off, it!
must have been considerably longer. The Museum at Readingi;
contains a small example of the small-spurred kind (c£ figs. 5,i,
6) with stem 6 inches long, and nearly complete. Of the com-
monest forms, some almost complete ones found at Hull are
7 — 9 inches long; several figured by Hilton Price are 5 — 9;
inches long ; and I have one, found in Cambridge, with stem t
7 inches long and not complete.
The stems are very thick and in the thicker parts the bore
is usually much out of the centre. Professor Hughes figures,
among various objects from the King's Ditch, a piece of coarse I
pottery in which a number of fragments of these pipe-stems are i
imbedded, as if to hold the pottery up during firing (Proc.
Camh. Antiq. Soc, xix. 1915, pi. 1, p. 24).
Makers' Marks, etc.
It would be interesting at some future time to make a .
complete study of the old local pipe industry of Cambridge —
the makers, their marks, stamps, moulds, etc. — as has been or is i
being done in the towns alluded to above. For the present
I am only able to put together a few scraps of information,
which may be of use if the larger study is undertaken.
As stated above, only two out of over 200 bowls examined
bear marks, i.e. figs. 3 and 11 in the plates. In both cases the
mark is on the flat heel, by far the most usual situation in the
l7th century, though some pipes with marks on the bowls or
stems — occasionally with two marks, on heel and elsewhere —
have been found.
The mark on fig. 3 is represented enlarged in fig. 19. The
right-hand letter cannot be made out, as the stamp has not
made a proper impression on that side. On the left is a plain
B, This type of mark, consisting of two initials with some
EARLY CLAY TOBACCO-PIPES 159
kind of device between them, seems to have been fairly
frequently used in certain places. The device was sometimes
(though not in the present case) part of a plant, perhaps in
(figured by Fairholt (10), p. I(i7). A nuinb(>r <>f Hull ma
the latter half of the I7th century are of this kind, but
160
HUGH SCOTT
of the Brosc'ley or Bristol stamps figured are of quite the same ,
type.
Fig. 20 represents, enlarged, the mark on the fiat heel of i
fig. 11 — a flower-like device with 5 " petals." Among the
figures in works cited below are many conventional designs
akin to this, but none quite identical with it. The nearest is
a heraldic rose figured by Jewitt ((11), p. 75 and (15), vol. i,
p. 292) from the heel of a pipe found near Derby. One small >
example found at Hull also bears a rose.
In view of the number of marked pipes found in other
places, it may seem curious that so few of these Cambridge bowls |
are marked. T. H. Thursfield figures 360 different names,
initials and devices taken from Broseley and other early Salopian
pipes. Sometimes the same maker employed a number of
different marks, but the 360 examples "all differ in some ?
degree, and each would require a separate stamp." Nearly t
50 marks, of over 20 makers, are figured from old Hull pipes, [
and about 25 from old Bristol pipes. But of course many
unmarked pipes are found in other places, and besides those
considered here there have been found in Cambridge many
other pipes, some of which may be marked.
In addition to these heel-marks, four fragments of stem
found in Millington Road bear makers' names. All four are
slender pieces only about J inch in diameter. Two bear the
words Pawson, Camb," with a wreath -like device above and
below (fig. 17), stamped transversely round one side. The
other two bear the name " Wilkinson " with an illegible initial
before it, and the letters " Camb " below — the stem being
broken just across these letters in both cases. Above the name
is a pattern stamped round the stem, but represented in fig. 18
as flattened out.
These pieces are probably not of very great age. R. Thurs-
field states that Broseley makers began to stamp their names
and residences on the stems about 1780, a practice followed by
Broseley (and other) manufacturers to-day.
The name " Pawson " seems to have been connected with
the pipe-works formerly existing at No. 11, Sidney Street,
the housQ which still bears a pipe-maker's sign on the stone
EARLY CLAY TOBACCO-PIPES
161
string-coiii'se along the bottom of its parapet. I am indebted
to the present occupier, Mr A. G. Almond, for some information
on this matter. Mr Almond first rented the premises in 1892,
at which time a large part of the old kiln was cleared away
from the back of the ground-floor. The premises belonged till
quite recently to the widow of one J. Pawson Saul.
The sign on the string-course consists of four pairs of
churchwarden pipes crossed in saltire, the mouths of the bowls
directed upwards ; the pairs are arranged in two couples, and
between the two pairs of each couple is a rose with 7 petals and
enclosed in a circle : the whole is in relief. The stone string-
course continues across the adjoining house, No. 10, on which
it bears two roses, each with 8 petals and enclosed in a circle,
but no pipes. The metal rainpipe on the left of No. 11 also
bears a paii' of crossed pipes in relief, but with mouths directed
downwards. There may be some connection between the roses
on the string-course and the device stamped on the heel of the
pipe (figs. 11, 20), though this has only 5 petals.
Concerning the name " Wilkinson " I have at present no
information.
Recently I have obtained from Mr F. R. Whitaker a pipe
nearl}^ resembling fig. 11, bearing on its bowl the following
inscription written in ink : " Dug out of the house that
Mrs Dearie lived in, St Mary's St, was a Pipe-Maker's about
1700." The pipe has no maker's mark.
Llst of Works Consulted.
' The following aims only at being a list- of works on, or
containing some reference to, old English tobacco-pipes. N*^
attempt is made to deal with such vastly wider subjects as the
pipes of all nations, or the cataloguing of works relating to
tobacco as a whole (cf. Bragge (18)).
In the special subject of old English pipes, however, I am
not aware that any previous bibliography exists. Therefore
all the references which it has been possible tn find an> hero
collected, and an attempt has been made to indicate brietly tlie
nature of the contents of each work. Others have probably
C. A. S, Comm. Vol. XX. H
162
HUGH SCOTT
been overlooked, particularly in the publications of local societie; ;
time having only admitted of the examination of a fraction c
these. Mere records of discoveries of old pipes and of th
presentation of specimens to local museums, when unaccom ,
panied by figures or descriptions, have been omitted.
T desire to express my gratitude to Professor McKenn; \
Hughes, who placed at my disposal a number of reference
already collected by himself, as well as certain reprints an( -
MSS. ; also to Mr Jenkinson and other friends at the Universitj
Library, for much kind help in the search for works bearing oi
the subject.
(1) 1835 Croker, T. Crofton, "Ancient Tobacco Pipes." Duhlii^
Penny Journal, vol. i\^ (no. 160), pp. 28 — 30, 11 figs. DeaL ■
with the superstitions connected with early pipes in Ireland .
and describes and illustrates several types, fairly closel}
dated, from various parts of the United Kingdom. i
(2) 1849 Lower, M.A., " Historical and archaeological notices of th( «
iron works of the county of Sussex." Sussex Archaeologicar^
Collections, vol. ii, pp. 169 — 205. On p. 198 is a figure (17/
of an andiron whose upper portion is a demi-human figure'
in the costume of the period of James I, holding a tobacco - '
pipe. The form of the pipe is not very clear in the figure,
but is perhaps more distinct in the object itself.
(3) 1851 Lamb, A. J., "Notes on the use of the clay tobacco pipe in'
England." Proc. Historic. Soc. of Lanes, and Cheshire, vol. iii, *
pp. 29 — 31, pi. 4. Refers particularly to the pipes found on!
the site of Wilham the Third's camp at Hoylake.
(4) 1851 Wilson, D., "The Archaeology and Prehistoric Annals of
Scotland " (Edinburgh). Pp. 679—682 ; refers to the "Celtic
or "Elfin" pipes found in considerable numbers in Scotland,
and figures a small one of 17th century form found at North
Berwick ; mentions also the numerous " Danes' Pipes " found
in Ireland, and some initials stamped on pipes ; discusses the
antiquity of smoking. See also (13).
(5) 1853 Id., "Notice on discoveries of 'Celtic pipes' in the vicinity
of Edinburgh ; with some remarks on the period to which
they belong." Proc. Soc. Scottish Antiquaries, vol. i, p.
182. These pipes were found together with small copper
coins (" bodies " or " placks ") temp. James VI. [The same
author published at Toronto in 1857 "Pipes and tobacco;
fin ethnographic sketch."]
EARLY CLAY TOBACCO-PIPES
? (6^ 1854 Bernhard Smith, W. J., "Clay tobacco-pipes." Notes and
Queries^ Ser. 1, vol. ix, pp. 546—7. Refers to certain small
^ pipes as of probable Dutch origin.
J (7) 1854 M, Arch. Journ., vol. xi, pp. 181—2. Notice of exhibition of
a collection, chiefly from Surrey, Middlesex, Staffordshire,
and Shropshire, giving a list of names and initials stamped
^ on the spurs. Refers to the famous pipe-industry at Ames-
t bmy, Wilts; see (21).
(8) 1 855 Fitzgerald, E. " On acoustic vases and other relics discovered
r in restorations lately made in the church of St Mary, You-
l ghal." Proc. and Trans. Kilkenny Arch. Soc. (now R. Soc.
Antiq. Ireland)^ vol. iii, part 2, pp. 303 — 10. Four early clays
are figured opposite p. 304. On pp. 307 — 10 they are dis-
I cussed, and a reference to the introduction of tobacco into
it Ireland is quoted. Fitzgerald considers that some of the old
pipes found in Ireland may date from long before the intro-
duction of tobacco, but the editors think otherwise, as stated
in a footnote, in which also they refer to the finding in
Ireland of a pipe stamped " Flower Hunt," who has since
been found to have been a well-known Bristol maker. On
p. 371 of the same volume is a notice of the finding in Dublin
of a pipe bearing the name of another member of this famil}^ :
^ "Notes and Queries" contains many brief references to old English
pipes and smoking. Excepting the one cited above, it seems more convenient
not to lengthen the bibliography by including them all in it as separate items,
but to give a list shortly in a footnote, indicating in as few words as possible the
particular matter dealt with in each case. Ser. 1, vol. 9 (1854), p. 372: short
note, answered in (6) cited above. Vol. 10 (1854), pp. 23, 48, 211, 428 : references
to the possibility of smoking having been practised in England before the intro-
duction of tobacco, and to the finding of pipes in or under buildings dating
from long before the time of Raleigh ; the first writer thinks that coltsfoot and
other herbs were used, but that the smoke was inhaled through a funnel.
Vol. 11 (1855), pp. 37, 93, 192 : notes on pipes stamped with the names of the
Hunt family, now known to have been famous Bristol makers: t.c, p. Ill,
brief note, with a quotation from Pliny concerning inhalation of smoke of
burning coltsfoot. Ser. 2, vol. 7 (1859), p. 10 : query about the Hunt family.
Ser. 5, vol. 4 (1875), pp. 328, 495; vol. 5 (187G), p. 94: brief notes on very
early pipes of silver and iron. Vol. 5 (1876), p. 162 : a longer note, on the
finding of an old pipe in good preservation in a Shropshire quarry, and on the
habit of quarrymen and miners of hewing out a handy niche in which to lay pipe
and tobacco. T.c, p. 336: records finding of old clays on the site of old Lincoln's
Inn Theatre. Ser. 6, vol. 11 (1885), p. 323 : reference to a wooden pipe having
been smoked as early as 1765. Ser. 9, vol. 5 (1900), p. 516 : vol. 6' (1900), p. 74 :
refer to the old pipe-industry at Winchester. Ser. 10, vol. II (1909). rp. 10,
316: refer to a "Master pipe maker of Woolwich in Kent," in 1()1»2.
11-2
164
HUGH SCOTT
cf. works on Bristol pi])os (28, 34). Cf. also (31), on old Irish!
pipes.
(9) 1857 Wilde, W. R., "A descriptive catalogue of the antiquities in
the Museum of the Royal Irish Academy" (Dublin), On
pp. 159 — 160 refers briefly to early clay pipes which "have
been found in great numbers in Ireland," and figures two of
the most usual forms.
(10) 1859 Fairholt, F. W.. "Tobacco; its history and associations"
(London). Chapter iv, especially pp. 160 — 173, contains
much information and a number of figures : and on pp. 176 —
180 the processes of manufacture are dealt with, and a mould
and press are figured. The book also includes several re-
productions of 17th and 18th century prints, representing
smokers and their pipes.
(11) 1862 Jewitt, Llewellynn, " A few words on ' Fairy Pipes.' " The
Reliquary, vol. iii, pp. 74^ — 78. Refers inter alia to the super-
stitions connected with early pipes in Ireland and England,
and the difference of attitude in the two countries : in Ireland
they belonged to the mischievous " Cluricaunes," and when
found were immediately broken, but in England good luck
appeared to be associated with them and they were preserved.
(12) 1862 Thursfield, R., " On ' Old Broseleys.' " 762^, immediately
after Jewitt's article, pp. 79 — 82, pi. 8 — 10. Two plates of
makers' marks, and one of marked Broseley pipes.
(13) 1862 Wilson, D., "Prehistoric Man," 1st ed. Early pipes and
smoking are discussed in vol. 2, pp. 38 — 49. On p. 42 the
author describes the device of a fox smoking a tobacco-pipe
carved on a stone in a chimney-piece at Cawdor Castle. The
stone bears the date 1510, at which time that portion of the
building was erected. This tends to show that tobacco may
have found its way to Scotland earlier than the time of
Raleigh, nearer the period of the first discovery of the New
W^orld by Columbus. Cf. (4).
(14) 1869 Bernhard Smith, W. J. v4rcA. .7o?6m., vol. xxvi, pp. 285 — 6.
A brief note, with a figure of a big jjipe found at Cirencester
(see (21)), also remarks on the Amesbury manufactory, &c.
(15) 1878 Jewitt, Ll., "The Ceramic Art of Great Britain" (London,
2 vols.). Vol. i, pp. 290—299 reproduce in slightly different
form what was written in 1862 by Jewitt and Thursfield:
p. 459, refers to 17th centurj^ pipe-factories at Shotover and
Horspath, Oxon. Vol. ii, pp. 432 — 3, describes the making
of pipes from the native clays in the I7th century at New-
castle-under-Lyme and other places in Staffordshire, quoting
EARLY CLAY TOBACCO-PIPES
165
the contemporary testimony of Dr Plot in his "Stafford-
shire" published in 1686 : pp. 456 — 7, refers to 17th century
factories at Winchester and Exeter.
(16) 1878 (?) Strickland, Mrs H., ^" Fairy' or 'Elfin' Pipes." I have
received from Professor Hughes a loose plate showing figures
of pipes and tobacco-stoppers drawn by Mrs Strickland,
together with a few lines of text referring to them. The
pipes were found in Dumfriesshire, and are of 17th century
shapes, some having makers' marks, which are also figured.
This plate bears the number XL and date 1878, though it
may not have been published till later. It was probably
produced by the Anastatic Drawing Society.
■17) 1879 Barber, Edwin A., ''Antiquity "of the tobacco-jupe in
Europe. Part I, Great Britain." Araerican Antiquarian,
vol. ii, no. 1, pp. 1 — 8. Summarises what was then known
concerning the early English clay pipes, with many references
to English writers cited above. [Part II {t.c, no. 2, pp. 117
— 122), " Switzerland," describes and figures a number of
early Central-European pipes, all of metal — iron, copper,
and bronze.]
(18) 1880 Bragge, "Wm, " Bibliotheca Xicotiana : a catalogue of books
about tobacco, together with a catalogue of objects connected
with the use of tobacco in all its forms " : Birmingham
(privately printed), ^[any of the references are to specimens
in Bragge's collection, now in the British Museum. Most of
his large collection of drawings of pipes of all nations, con-
tained in special boxes, is also at the British Museum, but the
boxes containing the bulk of the figures of English and Dutch
pipes seem not to have been acquired.
(19) 1882 Barber, Edwin A., " Early European pipes found in the
United States." American Antiquarian^ vol. iv, no. 3,
pp. 198 — 202. British and Dutch clays of the 17th and
18th centuries are often f(^und associated with the remains
of Indian workmanship in the Eastern States. As i)roved
by old Colonial records, they were imported in large numWi-s
and traded to the Indians, who sometimes scraped tlieni all
over, so that their characteristics are largely oblitorateil.
Many however bear marks and initials of English niakei-s,
and it also appears that one maker at least manufactvireil
pipes in Philadelphia as early as 1690. In the pi-eceding
volume of the Amer. Antiquarian (iii, 1881, p. 829) Harrison
Wright figures two pipes of 18th century form, found ii\
Pennsylvania, and stami)ed with the maker's name.
166
HUGH SCOTT
(20) 1S82 " (^;it;il()giui ol" tlio collection of" tobacco pipes deposited by '
]^D\VJN A. 1Ur]}EU." Pennsylvania Museum and Scliool oil
Industrial Art, Philadelphia. Includes many old Knglishi
pipes and marks of well-known makers : mentions that early
clay pi2)es with British stamps are found in the Unitedl
States.
(21) 1882 Stevens, Edward T., "Jottings on some of the objects oil
interest in the Stonehenge excursion." Salisbury (Brownn
& C^o.) and London (Simpkin, Marshall & Co.). Pp. 67—77
deal with old pipes, with special reference to the Amesbury
manufactory, and its famous " gauntlet "-pipes. These were
originally produced by a maker named Gauntlet, who marked ■
their heels with a gauntlet ; many forms of this mark are ,
known, and it seems to have been pirated not uncommonly
at Broseley and elsewhere (see also (7)^ &c.). Pj). 70, 71
have figures of pipes, and marks on pipes, found in Salis-
bury [see also pp. 36—41 of a Catalogue of the Salisbury \
and South Wilts Museum by the same author, published in ,
1870]. Several very large pipes are figured and described ; i
an Amesbury "gauntlet "-pipe, dated 1698, with bowl 2| inches ,
long; a " gauntlet "-pipe with bowl measuring 4 inches fromj
heel to mouth, found at Cirencester (see also (14)), &c.
(22) 1890 Hall, T, M., " On Barum Tobacco-pipes and North Devon >
Clays." Tt^ans. Devonshire Assoc. for the Advancement oj \
Science, Lit., and Art, vol. 22, pp. 317—333. Discusses old
pipes found at Barnstaple and various kinds of local clay.
(23) 1890 Pritchett, K T., "Smokiana, Historical and Ethnographical" ,
(London). Describes and illustrates the paraphernalia ofi
smokers of all races, and among them figures some old
English clay pipes.
(24) 1892 Cole, B. G., " Dutch Tobacco Pipes." Essex Naturalist,
vol. 6, p. 182. The many small old pipes found in Essex are
called " Dutchmen " by the country-people.
(25) 1895 Cassidy, J., "A chapter on pipes." Gentleman^s Magazine,
vol. 279 (new ser. 55), pp. 17—26. Old English clays arc-
very briefly referred to, and unfortunately the fiction is
repeated that some of them belong to the 10th century or
earlier, on account of their having been found in company
with relics of those periods.
(26) 1900 Hughes, Prof. T. McKenny, "The smoker's contribution to
history." Cambridge Graphic, Feb. 10, 1900, p. 10. Gives
a photograph of several kinds of early pipes, some of which
EARLY CLAY TOBACCO-I^IPES
167
are approximately dated. Mentions the old custom of pro-
viding new clay pipes in the better rooms of inns for all
travellers, and the great numbers of broken pipes that
accumulated near old inns.
(27) 1900 Hilton Price, F. G., "Notes upon some early clay tobacco
pipes, from the sixteenth to the eighteenth centuries, found
in the City of London, in the possession of the author."'
Arch. Journal, vol. 57, pp. 224—240. Summarises the history
of the introduction of tobacco into Europe, and the growth
of smoking in England : figures many pipes and marks.
(28) 1901 Id., "Notes upon clay tobacco pipes of the seventeenth cen-
tury found in Bristol." Arch. Journal, vol. 58, pp. 342—349.
Describes and figures many pipes and marks, dating the
pipes from the dates of their makers' admission to the freedom
of the city. See particularly (34).
(29) 1902 Penn, W. a., "The Soverane Herbe : a history of tobacco"
(London). Chapters 8 and 9 deal with })ipes in general, and
their manufacture, but the various forms of old English clay
pipes are not dealt with in detail.
(30) 1902 Sheppard, T., "Early Hull tobacco pipes and their makers."
Hull Museutn Publications, no. 6 ; pp. 1 — 39. Reprinted
with additions in 1912.
(31) 1903 RoNAYNE, C, " Some ancient tobacco pipes found in Youghal."
Journ. R. Soc. Antiq. Ireland, vol. xxxiii^ pp. 421 — 2. Brief
notice of the exhibition of some pipes. It is stated that some
of the pipes found by Fitzgerald in the same locality (see (8))
contained remains of the herb smoked, which proved on
examination by expert botanists to be Coltsfoot {Tussilago).
(32) 1904 Jekyll, Miss G., " Old West Surrey " (London). On p. 79 is
a brief reference to old clay pipes, with a small figure. (Iron
"pipe-racks " or "pipe-cleaners/' and their use, are descril)ed
on p. 74.)
(33) 1907 Thursfield, T. H., "Early Salopian Pipes." Trans. Slirop-
shire Archaeol. and Nat. Hist. Soc, ser. 3, vol. 7, pp. 160—5,
pi. 1 — 6. Figures 360 diflferent makers' stamps ; gives a long
list of Broseley makers with the dates at which they first
appear in the Parish Begisters ; sunnnariscs {\\ 164) tl\c
reasons which gfive Broseley its fame.
(34) 1912 Pritchard, J. E., "Tobacco pipes of J^,ristol of the scvcnteoiith
century, and their makers." Tlie Bristol Times and Mirror,
Oct. 22nd, 1912, contained a rrsumc of a Icctiuv on this
subject. Mr Pritchard, however, informs uie that the lecture
168
HUGH SCOTT
was given before the completion of the work, and that '•
he hopes in the future to publish a complete account of l
the Bristol pipe-manufactory. Meanwhile the account in !
the Bristol 7'imes contains much information as to the I
early makers, and the Guild established in Bristol in 1652.
Cf. (28).
(35) 1913-4 Oldrieve, W. T., "Account of the recent discovery of thei'
remains of David's Tower at Edinburgh Castle." Proc. Soc. i
Scottish A7itiquaries, vol. 48 ; on p. 251, fig. 25, is a photo-
graph of several early pipes of ordinary forms.
Postscript to page 150. Since this paper was written,:
three unbroken wig-curlers of different sizes have been found!
in digging new allotments on the south side of Barton Road,
just on the Cambridge side of the road to Grantchester. One
of them is stamped on both ends " W. B." with a round dot (
above, another bears on both ends " W. B." with a coronet
above, the third is unstamped. More old pipes are also coming ;
to light through the making of war-allotments of 1917, but none :
that I have seen so far bear makers' marks.
169
INDEX
Accounts 1914, 5; 1915, 11
Agriculture, Cambridgeshire materials
for the history of 39-53
Alue, sculptured animals and birds on
doorway at 73 ; fox on doorway 77 ;
hyena on doorway 75
Amsterdam, seal 181
Andernach, Augustan cemetery 59 ;
Augustan coins 59
Animals in mediaeval sculpture 73-80
Annual General Meeting 19
Arbury camp 105, 106 ; notKoman 106
Arezzo, pottery works 54, 55
Arretine fragments in Cambridgeshire
53- 59 ; Arretine cup 54
Ashwyke stone 23
Associate Members 4, 10
Atkyns, Kobert, description of Cam-
bridgeshire 40
Audley End, camp north of 107
Augustinian Friary 92
Auxerre Cathedral, carvings 127 ; glass
129
Aylesbury, objects found at 63, 64
Bailiff farming 46, 49
Baker's map of Cambridge 33
Ball, Edw, , editor of one of the Peter-
house Field Books 26
Barrington, Arretine fragments 53-59
Bartlow tumuli 107
Barton Cross 25
Battle Bridge, near Pentonville, to-
bacco-pipes dug up 154
Baj^eux Tapestry 124
Bellman's outfit 38; Bellman's Trea-
sury 36 ; Bellman's Verse-sheet 28,
37, 38, 39
Bellmen, Cambridge 33 &c.; Bellmen's
songs 36, 37
Bell woman 33 note
Benet's, St, Churchwardens' Accounts
90
Bentley, Kichard, dispute 108
Bergen, seal 129
Berkshire, agricultural report 45
Bestiaries 73 Ac.
Beverley Minster, Percy shrine, Deco-
rated foliage 72 ; cat and mouse in
sculpture 77
Birmingham smiths and the Hearth
Tax 86
Blackmore's terrier 22, 23
Bledlow church, capital 70
" Blowing house " 85
Boston, camel in sculpture 76
Boston, St Botolph, misericord 127
Botanic Garden, site 111
Botany, popular study in time of Dale's
visits 110
Bourn brook 41
Braun's plan of Cambridge 26
Bright, William, Field Book belonging
to 22, 32
Brighton, St Nicholas, font 127
Brindley, H. H., The Ship of the Seal
of Paris 120-147
Bristol tobacco-pipes 152, 158
Broadwater, capitals 69
Brooches 63
Broseley tobacco-pipes 150, 152,
157 note, 160
Brown, W. K. , leaflets 37
Bucer, Martin, burning of, on Market
Hill 30
Bull-ring 30, 31
Burgh Marsh, Common rights 49
Caister ware 53
Caius, John, on the Market Cross 23
Caldwell, Dr, death of 1
Cambridge, Baker's map of 33
bellmen 88 S:c.
Braun's plan of 2()
Cantabrigiadejiicta, Market Cross
described in 28
Castle buildings, location of 91
Digging Club, grant to 4
Dr Dale's visits to 95-120
Early tobacco-pipes found near
Barton lioad 147-168
Field "25
Hamond's map 24, 27
Lyne's map 26
110
Canibiidge, Papal Commissioners'
Visitation 1517, 30
Terriers 22 &c.
Wayside Crosses in 22-33
Cambridgeshire, conditions of tillage
52
Changes in physical geography
of 40
Enclosing of, results 44
Materials for the history of agri-
culture 39-53
Camel in sculpture 76 ; symbolism 76
Canterbury Cathedral, fire 68 ; re-
building of 68
" Cardinal's Cap " 93
Carlisle, hyena on misericord 76
Carmfield 25
Carvers, carelessness of 79
Castle Street, Wayside Crosses 23
Castor, Northauts, wild boar in sculp-
ture 77 ; potteries 60
Cat and mouse in sculpture 77
Celtic population in Cambridgeshire 59
" Celtic " tobacco-pipes 148
Chain-bridge 31
Chatteris, housing problem 51
Cheese making, difficulties 50
Cherryhinton War Ditches 4
Chester Cathedral, fox on misericord
77; griffin 74; tiger and mirror 75
Childrey, hedgehog on tomb 79
Chimney money 90
Chinese idol formerly in Lewis Cabinet,
University Library 119
Christ's College, drinking bout 113
Cinqnefoil, cultivation of 45
Clay tobacco-pipes 147-168
Clifton Hampden, wild boar figured at
77
CHnt Way 25, 26
Clitheroe, Kichard, seal 131
Coltsfoot for smoking 148, 167, 163 note
Common rights 49, 50
Communications 1914-15, 2; 1915-16,
9, 17
Consecration Cross 31
Convocation House 109, 117
Cope's Cross 31
Corpus Christi College, Field Book
22 &c.
Cottenham, Common rights 49
Cremation 64
Crux Foreiisis, see Market Cross
Cunningham, Archdeacon, Cambridge-
shire materials for the history of
agriculture 39-53
Dairy farming &c. in Middle Ages 48
Dale, Dr Samuel, visits to Cambridge
95-120
Damme, seal 125, 126
" Danes' " pipes 148
Danzig, seal 131
Dawe's Cross 32
Deepway (now Lensfield Koad) 32
Dekker, Thomas, Bellman of London
34
Delaporte, John, on the allowance of
certain Poor Rates 30
Denny Monastery 25, 26
Desborough, coffinless bodies dis-
covered at 64
Dinners in Hall, Dr Dale's description
112-113
Dormouse, symbolism 78
Dover, seal 125
Downing College, Field Book 22 ; sur-
vey of College Property at Croydon,
&c. 52 note
Dromedary in sculpture 76, 77
Druce, G. C, Animals in mediaeval
sculpture 73-80
Dublin, seal 129, 130
Durham Castle, capitals in 68 ; unicorn
on woodwork in Chapel 74
Dutch tobacco-pipes 154-156
Duxford, excursion to 3
Dykes and other earthworks 104-107
East Looe, seal 126
Edlesborough, frog with four feet
webbed on misericord 79
" Elfin " tobacco-pipes 148
Ely Cathedral, calf on misericord 74
Enclosure 42, 43, 51
English Gothic foliage sculpture 67-72
Excavation Fund, grant from 4
Excursions 3
Exeter Cathedral, foliage sculpture
71 ; misericord 127
Fagius, Paulus, body burnt on Market
Hill 30
" Fairy " tobacco-pipes 148
"Falcon," The 93
Faversham, seal 125, 130
Field Books 22 &c.
Fielding, Henry, on mode of travelling
98, 99
Fisher, Mary, publicly flogged 31
Fleam dyke' 41, 105
Folkestone, seal 125
Fowlmei e, site of British homesteads
42 ; spinning industry 52
Fox in sculpture 77 ; symbolism 77
Foxe's Book of Martyrs 28, 30
Foxton, Arretine fragments found at
53-59
Foyster, George, Mayor of Cambridge,
excommunication 29
INDEX
171
Frog, symbolism 79 ; with four feet
webbed 79
Gardner, Samuel, English Gothic
foliage sculpture ti7-72
Garvin Cross 32
Gaulish wares o6
Goat, iu sculpture 77; symbolism 77:
identitied with Ibis 77
Gogmagog. figure of 105
GogmagOiis. Komau road on the lOo,
107
Gouville and Caius College, Field Book
22
Gooch. William, County of Cambridge
agriculture 43
'• Grand Farmers 83, 86
Great How field 24
Great Saint Andrew's Church, Old
Field Book in chest 22
Greek School 117
Green Hill, The 26
Greenwood, W. , Extracts from St
Beuet's Churchwardens' Accounts
HO
Gritidn in sculpture 74
Guide Book, Old 28
Gyrwas tribe 65, 66
Hadstock Eoad (now Hills Road) 32
Haltern ceramic 54 ; Arretiue finds 55
Hamond's map 24. 27
Hare HiU 23
Harwich Clift, fossils 97
Hauston Mills turnpike 100
Haverfield, F. J., Arretine fragments
in Cambridgeshire 53-59
Hearth Tax 81-89: amendment 82;
tax collectors' difficulties 83-85 ;
unpopularity of 84, 86; legal diffi-
culty 85; revenue from 86, 87;
abolishment 86 ; extant documents
relating to 87, 88 ; number of
hearths taxed 88, 89 ; topographical
notes on the tax records 90 : Return
90-95
Hedgehog, in ecclesiastical carving 78 ;
forethought of 78; symbolism 79
Hereford, Cantilupe Shrine, foliage
sculpture 71
Hewnell Cross 26
Hief. F. R. G. . some Roman and Saxon
antiquities found near Kettering 59-
66
High Cross 23. 24
High Cross Furlong 25
Hiuxton, excursion to 3
Hippopotamus in sculpture 74
Hobson's Conduit 38; Hobson's Work-
house 91
Hodnet, cat and mouse in sculpture at
77, 78
Hofheim. Arretine finds 55
Holmes, Oliver Wendell 32
Hoylake, Cheshire, Tobacco - pipes
found at 154
Hughes, Mrs, death of 8
Hughes, T, McKenny, Dr Dale's visits
to Cambridge 95-120
Hull tobacco-pipes 152, 153, 160
Huntingdon Way, Stone Cross 24
Husbandry, &c., in Middle Ages 45
Hyena in sculpture 75, 76 ; symbolism
76
Ibex in sculpture 77
Ibis, goat identified with 77
Ickleton, excursion to 3
Icknield Way 101
Ipswich, seal 130
Ironstone, quarrying of 60
Jesus College, Terrier 22
Kettering, Roman and Saxon anti-
quities found near 59-66
Kiel, seal 125
Kimpton Church, stiff-leaf foliage 70
King's College Chapel, Proclamation
of Charles II on 29 ; foliage sculp-
ture 72
King's Ditch 31 &c.
King's Lynn, St Nicholas' Church,
Ibex on stall arm 77
Kingston-upon-Hull, seal 130
Lewis, Archdeacon, contents of Cabinet
117-119; Scrapbook 117
Lin, The 41
Lincoln Cathedral, leaf sculpture 69-
71 : carvings on West front 127
Linnffus, Carolus 110
Lombardy Poplar tree 32
Liibeck, seal 126, 129
Luffenham, objects found at 63
Luttrell collection of Broadsides 35
Lydd, seal 125
Lj-ne's map 26
Maitland, F. W., Cambridge Terrier
22
March. Common rights 19
Market Cross 23, 26-28. 3(t. 31, 38;
repairs, &c. 27, 28; Proclamations
28, 29 : removal 28
Mary. Queen. P.>^alter of 7!»
Meadow rights 48 tiotr
Melcombe Regis, seal I2(i
Mere's diary 3()
Metal tobacco-pipes 148 no'e
172
INDEX
Michael Angelo 70
Milton, John, Bellman mentioned by
84
" Mitre/' The 93
Moles, ravages by 51
Monmouth, seal 126, 129
Mont Beuvray, finds at 55
Museum of Archaeology and Ethno-
logy, purchases 14
Musical Services, Dr Dale's description
114-115
Nantwich, fox on misericord 77
Nautae Parisiaci 128, 133
Neckham, Alex., Hippopotamus 75 '
Neuss, Sels brick works 55
"New England," name of house on
Maid's Causeway 94
New Members 4, 10
Newnham Cross 26
Newnham, Old 26
Newton, Alderman Samuel, informa-
tion on Hearth Tax 90
Newton, Sir I., presents clock to the
University 116
Norwicn Cathedral, griffin on miseri-
cord 74 ; squirrel on misericord 78
Objects exhibited 19
Observatory clock 116; instruments
116, 117
Officers 20
Old Botanic Garden 111
Oxford, New College Chapel, hedgehog
on misericord 78
Pamiers, seal 126
Paris, guilds 128 ; burning of Hotel de
Vilie 181 ; seals and ship of the seal
of the city 120-147 ; Sainte Chapelle
127
Paris, Matthew 79
Parisius, explanation of the word
124
Pasture, management of 50
Peel, Sir K., new system of police in-
troduced by 38
Pepys, Samuel, and the bellman 34
Pepysian Library, Fly Sheets and
Ballads 35
Peterhouse Terriers, &c. 23, 32, 33
Pillory 80, 31
Plague at Cambridge 84
Pliny on mice 78
Ploughman's spikenard 103
Police, new system of 88
Poole, seal 130
Port-bridge 26
Portsmouth, seal 130
Potters' stamps 58
Powell, Edgar, Hearth taxes for the
town of Cambridge 81-89
Presents 4, 10
Prince of Wales' Feathers 69
Proclamations at the Market Cross
28 &G.
Publications issued 3
Pump Lane 26
Purchases for Museum 14
Queens' College, Erasmus' Chamber
117
Raleigh, Sir Walter, pipe case 157
Report 1914-15, 1 ; 1915-16, 8
Rhee, The 41
Rheims Cathedral, foliage sculpture 71
Rheims, San Remi, sculptured capitals
68
Rimbault, E. F., Bellmen's songs 36
"Ring-Hill" 107
Risby font, griffin on 74
Roman and Saxon antiquities found
near Kettering 59-66
Rome, St John Lateran, well-head 69
Rossendale, Royal vaccariae in 48
Rothwell Wood, excavations 60
Rutland, Edward Earl of, seal 131
Saffron, The 103
Saffron Walden, Dale's description 102
St Albans, decorated foliage 72; King's
Walden Church, capital 69
St Catharine's College, Braintree pro-
perty 107, 108
St Davids Cathedral, foliage sculpture
70
St John's College, Field Book 22;
Thick Black Book 24; tobacco-pipes
found in the "Wilderness" 155
St John the Evangelist, hospital of 24
St Neots Way 25
St Winnow, Cornwall 127
Samian ware 53, 54
Sandwich, seal 125
Scarborough, seal 126
"Schools," additions to the 108
Scott, Hugh, Early clay tobacco-pipes
found near Barton Road 147-168
Seebohm, English Village Coininunity
22 note
Sefton, dromedary on bench-end 77
Senate House 108
Seven mile dyke 104
Sewers, Court of 44
Shakespeare, bellman in 34
Shingay, pasture land at 49
Silchester, Arretine fragments 57
Silver tobacco-pipes 148
Simeon, Charles 100
INDEX
173
Siivn in sculpture 74
Slegge, Edw. , Mavor of Cambridge, ex-
communicated 30
Smoking, safeguard against infection
154
Sompting. Anglo-Saxon string-course
69
Southampton, seal 125
Southwell Chapter House, foliage
sculpture 71
Spalding, Alderman, death of S
Spalding, ruins of dairy farm at 48
Squirrel in architecture 78
Stapleford turnpike 100
Stavoren, seal 125
"Sterbury Hill" 107
Stocks 30, 31
Stokes, H. P., Wayside Crosses in
Cambridge 22-33
The Cambridge Bellmen 33-39
Topographical notes on the
Hearth Tax 90-95
Stone Cross 23, 32, 33
Stonepen Crouch Way 25
Stuart Period, finance of 81
Stump Cross 33
Sturbridge Fair, Proclamation Proces-
sion 36
Sudbury, Butter Hill 103
Swafiham Bulbeck, camel in sculpture
76
Tadlow, survey of Downing College
estate 52 note
Terriers and Field Books 22 &c.
Thames Ditton, goat in an inverted
position on font 77
Thauu, Philip de, Bestiary of 76, 79
Thorney, "Paring and burning" at 52
"Three Tuns," The 93
Tiger, symbohsm of 75
Tiger and Mirror 75
Tillage, method of 46
Tithe paid in kind 47
Titii, The, potters 53, 54, 55, 56
Titus, wild boar a type of 77
Tobacco-pipe makers, Company of 159
Tobacco-pipes, early clay, found near
Barton Eoad 147-168; bibhography
161-168; exportation of 148; makers'
marks, &c. 158-161
Town Crier 33, 37, 38, 39
Town Treasurer's Accounts 1546, 30
Travelling, mode of, in early eighteenth
century 98-102
Trinity Church, Consecration Cross 31
Trinity College, Beaumont monument
108; Lyfe monument 108; Bill of
Fare 112, 113 ; musical services 114,
115 ; Field Book 22
Trinity Hall, Field Book 22
Tumuli 107
Ufiford, camel in sculpture 76
Ulm, squirrel on misericord 78
Uuguentarium, Roman 61
Unicorn 74
University Library, Bestiary 78; Dr
Dale's visit to 116; contents of
Lewis Cabinet 117-119; Terriers
and Field Books 22, 24, 26; papers
concerning Enclosure 51
University Rifle Range 25
Urns 62, 63
Vancouver's Report to the Board of
Agriculture 43, 44
Vespasian, wild boar type of 77
"Viking Ships" 129
Vikings 68
Wall's Lane 31
Wandlebury rampart 105
War ditches 105, 106
Watchman 33
Waterbeach, Court Rolls 49 ; Masters'
account of the parish 47
Wells Cathedral, capitals 71 ; leaf
sculpture 70 ; cat and mouse in
sculpture 77; West front 127
Wendy, pasture land 49
Westminster Abbey, Confessor's screen
127
Westminster Bestiary 74, 78
Westwell, unicorn on woodwork 74
Whittlesea, Common rights 49
Whittlesford, excursion to 3 ; Old
Guildhall 3
Whittlesford Bridge, ancient hospital
at 3
Wicken Fen 40
Wiesbaden, Arretine finds 55
Wild boar in sculpture 77 ; symbolism
77
Wilhams, Ann, publicly flogged 31
Wilson, Edwin, death of 1
Winchester, cat and mouse in sculpture
77, 78; squirrel on misericord 78;
"Tournai" font 127
Windsor, St George's Chapel, Hippo-
potamus on misericord 75
Wisraar, seal 126
Woodwardian Museum 109, 110
Worts Causeway 104
Yarmouth, seal 125
York, cat and mouse in sculpture 77
York, Chapter House, wild boar figured
in 77
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CONTENTS
OF PROCEEDINGS, No. LXYIII.
Vol. XX. (New Series, Vol. XIV.)
p
Keport of the Council, 1914-15
Eeport of the Council, 1915-16
Purchases for the Museum, 1915
Ordinary Meetings with Communications
17, 18,
Officers for 1916-1917, elected 5 Jane 1916
20
List of Officers, 1916—1917
21
Printed Papers: —
Wayside Crosses in Cambridge. Bev. H. P, Stokes, LL.D., Litt.D.,
F.S.A 22
The Cambridge Bellmen. Eev. H. P. Stokes, LL.D., Litt.D., F.S.A. 33
Cambridgeshire Materials for the History of Agriculture. The Van.
Archdeacon Cunningham, D.D., F.B.A 39
Arretine Fragments in Cambridgeshire. Prof. F. J. Havebfield, LL.D.,
F.B.A., F.S.A 53
Roman and Saxon Antiquities found near Kettering. F. R. Gr. Hief, B.A. 59
English Gothic Foliage Sculpture. Samuel Gardner .... 67
Animals in Mediaeval Sculpture. G. C. Druce, F.S.A 73
The Hearth Taxes for the Town of Cambridge, a.d. 1664 and 1674 :
Explanatory Note . . . . . . . . . . 80
Forewords by the Ven. Archdeacon Cunningham, D.D., F.B.A. . 81
Notes by Edgar Powell, B.A ^ , 82
Extracts from Churchwardens' Accounts, supplied by the Eev.
Topographical Notes by the Eev. H. P. Stokes, LL.D., Litt.D.,
F.S.A 90
Dr Dale's Visits to Cambridge, 1722-1738. Prof. T. McK. Hughes,
F.E.S., F.S.A . 95
The Ship of the Seal of Paris. H. H. Brindley, M.A. . . . 120
Early Clay Tobacco-pipes found near Barton Eoad, Cambridge. Hugh
Scott, M.A., F.L.S. . 147
Index 169
W. Greenwood, M.A.
90